In recent years sociologists of religion have concurred that religion is a far more complex phenomenon than has been assumed. Traditionally the discipline has focussed on the presumption that religious practice and belief is in decline in industrialised societies. But while it is without doubt religious beliefs and practices have changed and declined in their traditional forms, secularisation is now considered to be a very complex phenomenon and not a necessary outcome of modernity.
Religion is a persistent factor in international politics, and a powerful force in what we may call the ‘majority world’ – that is the world outside ‘the West.’ But religious practices continue in subtle and diverse forms in secularised, industrial (or post-industrial) societies. Most sociologists of religion accept that part of their job is to explain the complexity of these ‘hybrid’ or ‘implicit’ identifications and practices.
The example of a complex contemporary religious practice I would like to use here is that of pilgrimage on the Camino de Santiago. This is a long distance walk across northern Spain to the Cathedral of Santiago de Compostela where tradition has it the relics of St James the Apostle, Patron of Spain, are interred.
In a context where traditional religious participation seems to be in decline in most western contexts, pilgrimage on the Camino has increased. Last year over 250,000 pilgrims from over 170 countries registered as completing the pilgrimage in the Cathedral’s office for pilgrims.
The Camino has been the subject of several best selling books, including those by Paulo Coelho and a popular film, The Way, starring Martin Sheen. These media depict the importance of the Camino as a spiritual place where the world is enchanted, miracles can happen, and where loved-ones can be remembered.
This summer I spent a month interviewing and observing pilgrims on the Camino in order to understand their motivations, experiences and practices. What is so fascinating is that although these pilgrims are undertaking the same route as the medieval pilgrimage, many of them distance themselves from Christianity. That is not to say walking the Camino is not a significant spiritual practice for them, however, or they will not visit Churches, or pray. Many pilgrims have beliefs about the sacred nature of the trail itself or New Age beliefs about the pilgrimage as an ancient phenomenon with a magical power that pre-dates Christianity, for example.
To add to the complexity, however, in addition to a profusion of ad hoc New Age beliefs among many pilgrims, there are conservative and traditional Catholics who walk alongside agnostics, atheists, Protestants, Buddhists and Jewish pilgrims. This diversity makes for interesting, deep and sincere discussions between pilgrims who share a common search for meaning although coming from different traditions.
The route is littered with the offerings, thoughts and memorials of pilgrims, most notably at an iron cross about two-thirds the way to Santiago. Here you can stand
on a huge mound of stones placed by thousands of pilgrims and read notes and messages they have left behind – for God, the cosmos or to heal their hurts and losses psychologically.
Many of the pilgrims have profound experiences of their journey, but these are often considered as being part of a journey rather than arriving at a shrine to venerate a Saint. For this reason, the route has been extended from the Cathedral at Santiago de Compostela to the sea at Finisterre where I observed a mass ritual of watching the sun go down at the most westerly point in Spain.
I suggest that the complexity of contemporary religious practices and positionings, such as those of the Camino de Santiago present a significant problem for religious education. This is because contemporary practices are so complex in nature and are often constructed in opposition to the established structures of religious traditions – while also resting upon them in some sense.
The prevalence of New Age beliefs on the Camino is a good case in point. You do not need to identify with the New Age movement or believe in it to practice or agree with some principles of it. In some sense New Age attitudes are ubiquitous – even among Christian pilgrims. These include valuing a heightened appreciation of nature, dedicating the walk or parts of it to loved ones, or placing rocks on way markers.
However, the New Age movement is not a religion as such and New Age-type beliefs could easily be interpreted as syncretist or controversial by some parents and students when included in religious education. But the problem is more subtle and difficult than that. For how do we explain and teach about a postmodern pilgrimage which many undertake in the spirit of a personal search with no recognised or established rules? It is religion in a very real sense, but not as we know it.
If we ignore the complexity of contemporary religious practice we fail to show students how widespread and relevant religion is in society. If we include it, we risk either endorsing or rejecting contemporary forms in favour, or to the detriment of, their historic antecedents. Nothing is ever simple in religious education, and that is why it is so interesting.