The Casey report on social integration, released in December 2016, is a significant document for those who teach and write about RE. Here I respond to it with three suggestions for how RE can help social integration.
The report aims to consider what divides ‘communities’ and how far these anxieties and prejudices can affect the life chances of British citizens. It is a controversial document that has received criticism for the forthright language it has used in describing ‘regressive religious attitudes’ as part of its analysis of British society.
Casey discusses religion explicitly. She emphasizes religion’s role as a force for good, in caring for the sick, educating children and addressing issues of social justice. But she also points to the difficulty of drawing together communities with entrenched views (8.11). Casey argues that religious discourses, especially Islamic discourses, have been used to enforce gender segregation and restrict marriage choice (7.17); Female Genital Mutilation (7.20) and intolerance against homosexuals (7.28-34).
Casey gives particular attention to schools in her analysis. She observes the difficulty that some schools have in getting the support of parents and ‘community leaders’ to allow children to attend extracurricular activities, such as swimming or visiting the theatre (7.38). And she noted the large amount of time spent by some students (especially Muslims) in ‘unregulated’ educational environments that encourage binary visions of the world and prevent free enquiry, often enforced through corporal punishment (7.48-59).
Casey’s flagship recommendation is that there should be much better provision for English language to allow migrants to access resources and participate in civil society (Recommendation 1). But she also suggests that it is in schools where students should learn ‘British values’ (Recommendation 4). I am sceptical that Britain has a monopoly on democracy, the rule of law or respect for different faiths and beliefs, or that articulating these as learning outcomes for schools is a positive move. At least in theory, I would prefer an educational system that aspired to a disposition towards learning (criticality, empiricism), rather than prescribing a political opinion as an outcome. For instance, someone who is sceptical about democracy may have simply come to an alternative conclusion on the basis of available evidence, rather than being a failure of the education system.
Casey doesn’t give explicit consideration to RE in her report, but I think RE, and the humanities more broadly, could play an important role in addressing some of the problems in integration that she raises, and do so better than her appeal to ‘British values’. Many of the regressive ideas that she raises have religious justifications that are reinforced in places of worship, at home or over the internet. For children who are members of transnational families, these ideas may also spread unchallenged in countries of origin. But schools can contest these ideas by several means.
The first is to observe that religious scriptures are capable of multiple interpretations that are suited to different contexts. Recognition of multiple interpretations in religious traditions has been a laudable strand in RE over the past two decades, but more could be done still be done in this direction. In particular, an awareness of the diversity of religious traditions in medieval times would help to dispel the suspicion that liberal ideas are simply concessions to the West. This is one reason why an awareness of historical contexts and the changing content and emphasis of religious traditions is such an important part of subject knowledge for RE teachers. To take Islamic examples (simply because I know these better), ninth and tenth century Syria and Iraq provide examples of religious sceptics, rationalists and freethinkers (as well as writers of homosexual poetry) who do not receive space in current curricula.
The second is to expose students to multiple ideas of the principle of ‘the good’, some of which are framed in terms of ‘religion’ and others that are rooted in ethical systems that are justified (semi-)independently from religion. This might include a Kantian requirement that religious goods must also be justifiable from abstract ethical principles. Or it could include the Rawlsian thought experiment (the Original Position hypothesis) that one should design a state or society that would benefit you if you were born again as a random member of that society. Again, RE syllabi are already good at drawing on a rubric of ‘religion and belief’. But it is worth highlighting that the effective delivery of RE is not restricted to the ability to hold individual human actions to account, but also to hold the tenets of one moral system to account by testing it against a second moral system, which proceeds from different starting points. This ability to entertain different positions is crucial to sympathy for other citizens’ moral arguments and the ability to be critical of one’s own moral presumptions.
The third way in which I think that RE can help to build an integrated society is to ask the kinds of questions of ‘regressive’ religious practice that Casey asks to students. For instance, we could ask how religion is used to justify forced marriage. Such a question could open out into other broader questions: how does religious adhesion affect the choice of marriage partner? What are the wider effects upon society? These are questions that can be approached from different perspectives (theology, history, sociology) and have no obvious right answers.
Obviously, this needs to be done with careful ‘scaffolding’, to make clear that answers need to be evidenced and without polemic. But if one role of RE is to help students have the kinds of cultural literacy that will allow them to be active citizens in a plural society, this ought to include the ability to critique practices that are justified by religion and to think about the wider social and economic contexts in which certain ideas flourish and others wither away. An analysis of how and why religion is used to legitimate conservative ideas such as in-group marriage, differentiated gender roles and bans on theatre could lead to a wider understanding of the role of religion in defining ‘communities’, and those who benefit from and suffer from this process. At present, I think RE could benefit from a keener focus on religion as a force that defines group boundaries, rather than just as a collection of narratives, ritual practices and ethical ideas, and I believe that this is something that schoolchildren could engage with. Of course, there is an argument that a focus on similarities between religious traditions will ultimately soften differences, but I fear that this underplays the fact that some religious scriptures explicitly endorse inter-group boundaries or engage in polemic.
Michael Metcalf comments that the Framework for Excellence in RE does not ‘respect and recognize pupils’ existing identities …or the communities they already belong to’. I do think that it is important for teachers to be aware of the home backgrounds of their students and the presumptions and knowledge they bring to a class. But I would emphasise that to respect ideas is to critique them, and I would be wary of treating any set of ideas differently because of the role they play in substantiating individuals’ identities. If RE can help students to see the diversity of religious traditions and notions of the good, as well as criticising the use of religion to generate stereotype and exclusive social boundaries, then I think it can play an important role in forming the civil society of the future.