As noted throughout this essay (see especially Diversity, Change and Continuity), Hinduism is massively diverse, containing many different sects, movements and local variations, though these do not constitute ‘denominations’ in quite the sense found in Christianity. Nevertheless, there are numerous organisations, such as those that follow a particular guru or seek to promote a particular interpretation of the Hindu tradition, both in India and in diaspora. Among those that have been important in the modern and contemporary periods, and that teachers may encounter in either their reading or first-hand encounters in the UK, are a number of movements such as the Swaminarayan Sampradaya, Brahmo Samaj, Arya Samaj, the Ramakrishna Math and Mission, the Sri Aurobindo Ashram, the Brahmakumaris, Transcendental Meditation, ISKCON, Sathya Sai, and Sahaja Yoga. All of these groups have their own specific teachings, practices and perspectives. There are also organisations that claim to unite and represent all Hindus, such as the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (World Council of Hindus) formed in India in the 1960s, which employs the nationalist concept of Hindutva (see Hinduism and politics) and includes adherents of other religions of Indian origin as Hindus. Another organisation that seeks to give a ‘single combined voice’ to Hindus globally is the Himalayan Academy, based in Hawaii, particularly through its publication Hinduism Today started in 1979. Although produced by a particular Shaivite sampradaya, whose recent leaders have been Western ‘converts’, Hinduism Today is widely respected worldwide by Hindus and non-Hindus alike, as providing a comprehensive and inclusive ‘Hindu perspective’ on a wide range of religious and cultural topics in a way which attempts to reflect diversity and avoid bias.

Life in diaspora, where Hindus face the challenge of being members of a minority in a different cultural environment with different social norms and political structures requires mobilisation to defend the community’s interests, for example, the Hindu Council UK (‘For a United Hindu Voice’) that aims to liaise with the government about policy on behalf of British Hindus. Other groups that seek to represent all Hindus (and sometimes all Indians) in the UK are the National Council of Hindu Temples, the Hindu Forum of Britain, and the UK branches of both the Vishwa Hindu Parishad and Hindu Swayamsevak Sangh (the diasporic counterpart of the Hindu nationalist Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh in India). A recent addition is Insight UK (‘Social movement of British Hindus and Indians’). However, such groups also have particular perspectives and this can lead to a specific version of Hinduism being promoted both within the community and in representing the community within its new setting.

Insight UK has initiated a campaign (supported by the other five organisations already mentioned) to improve the availability, content and quality of the teaching of Hinduism in UK RE. However, although it is easy to agree that Hinduism ought to be included, and that teaching and textbooks should be informed and reliable, given the diversity of the tradition and academic debates, it will be hard to satisfy everyone, whether adherent or educationalist or both. Education has previously been a flashpoint, especially the portrayal of Hinduism in school textbooks, in the USA as well as the UK, where some Hindus have confronted academics and educationalists about what they regard as negative and inaccurate coverage. Academics and educationalists have also criticised resources from some Hindu groups as reflecting that group’s religious convictions and advancing their political agendas rather than giving a more rounded account of Hindu belief and practice which reflects diverse voices within the community. This has led to mutual allegations of bias.

The presence in Hindu temples of images representing other religions such as Guru Nanak and Jesus are often explained to visitors as recognition that all religions are true and share an underlying unity. This modern liberal ideology has neo-Vedantic roots, extending the account of tolerance and inclusivity beyond acceptance of a variety of Hindu beliefs and practices to respect for all religions. For example, speaking at the first Parliament of the World’s Religions in 1893 in support of this perspective of many paths but one goal, Swami Vivekananda characterised this innovative interfaith event as fulfilling Krishna’s words in the Bhagavad-Gita, quoting Krishna’s declaration that he would receive anyone who came to him by whatever means (4.11). Whether or not inspired by this ideology of the truth and unity of religions, Hindus have been actively involved in other interfaith organisations and initiatives including the Interfaith Network in the UK.

Vivekananda’s neo-Vedantic portrayal of Hinduism was received very favourably and widely admired. However, it does have implications for other religions. If all religions are true, it can be argued that there is no reason to convert from one religion to another. If all religions share an underlying unity, there are no grounds to claim a unique revelation. This has the effect of relativising all religious paths, while asserting a subtle form of superiority for Vedanta or a Vedantic interpretation of Hinduism in that it alone has understood the truth and unity of religions. This view is present in the writings of Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan, another neo-Vedantin with an interest in interfaith relations, who went as far as contrasting Hinduism with the Abrahamic religions, such as Christianity, which he viewed as narrow and dogmatic, threatening unbelievers with damnation and professing exclusive possession of truth.

Just as Christian attitudes to Hinduism have varied markedly, ranging from condemnation to subordination to admiration, Hindu attitudes to Christianity have varied. Rammohan Roy (1772-1883) wrote The Precepts of Jesus – The Guide to Peace and Happiness, an account of Jesus’ teaching that reproduced extracts from the Gospels while excluding miraculous elements, thereby appalling missionaries who were alarmed by its rationalist tenor. Gandhi was similarly positive about Jesus both as a moral exemplar and as a pioneer of non-violence though he often coupled this with observations on the failings of Christians and a rejection of the uniqueness of the incarnation. Complicating Christian-Hindu relations have been the perceived complicity of Christianity with the colonial project and its non-Indian origins (in spite of its long presence in parts of India) as well as the emphasis on conversion that has been regarded as a threat.

There have been many Hindu responses to religious diversity. For example, the Arya Samaj (founded in 1875) launched shuddhi (purification) campaigns to reconvert those who had converted to other religions, notably Islam, a ritual process that also drove a wedge between Hindus and Sikhs that contributed towards increasing differentiation of Sikhism from Hinduism. Or again, appeal has been made to the Ramayana and the conflict between the divine king Rama and his demonic adversary, Ravana, as a model for Hindu-Muslim relations, whereby especially from the mid 1980s onwards Rama’s capital city Ayodhya has been the focus of disputes over the alleged demolition of a temple commemorating Rama’s birth for the construction of a mosque dedicated to the first Mughal emperor Babur. Hindu attitudes towards Buddhism are also interesting as Hindus claim the Buddha to be one of Vishnu’s avatars (descent forms), his purpose variously described as being to teach false doctrines as a test for the faithful (thus criticising aspects of Buddhist teaching) or to reform aspects of Hindu practice such as animal sacrifice (thus claiming the Buddha as Hindu really, and denying that he intended to found a separate religion). Such attitudes can be perceived as either examples of tolerant inclusivism or religious appropriation that is insulting to Buddhists. However, centuries after Buddhism died out in India, it saw a revival when Ambedkar led a large-scale conversion of dalit communities on the basis of his view that Hinduism was inextricably connected with caste as an oppressive institution whereas Buddhism’s progressive principles (as he saw them) held out the promise of liberty and equality for all.

Historically studies of Hinduism available in English have tended to reflect the values and preoccupations of Western commentators, be it their Christian backgrounds leading to speculations about the prospects for conversion, their classical education giving rise to research on the relationship between ancient India and Europe in cultural, linguistic and religious terms, or their imperial interests conducing towards a back projection of foreign invasion and rule to the Aryan ‘conquest’ of the subcontinent. Increasingly, Hindus have challenged the accuracy and authenticity of Western accounts, questioning the dominance of Christian or Western categories of analysis, the preoccupation with a distant past remote from contemporary experience and the legacy of colonial attitudes about ‘race’. Moreover, Hindus have come to play a leading part in the study of their own religion in academia worldwide as over time approaches from sociology and anthropology have come to the fore and more attention has been paid to aspects of diversity including vernacular texts, Goddess worship and folk traditions alongside emerging issues such as ecology and the environment and gender and sexuality. Nevertheless, there remain sensitivities about the representation of Hinduism, especially any possible negative implications of the selection and interpretation of material. This is perhaps even more acute in the case of religious education where members of the Hindu community may have certain expectations of the subject and the place of Hinduism within the curriculum.

This essay has only been able to outline some features and aspects of what might be labelled Hinduism. When seeking to learn more, it is important to use a variety of sources – academic texts, texts by those who identify as Hindus, and actually meeting Hindu adherents in person. Academic texts may arise from different disciplines – some may focus on ancient sacred texts, or historical periods, and others on sociological and ethnographic study of contemporary people. It is important to ask – particularly of random internet sources, but the same applies to books whether by academics or adherents, and to this essay – who wrote this and why, and whether they are likely to be reliable. They may, for example, be reliable about one Hindu group, but unrepresentative of others. You will gradually build up your own provisional picture of Hinduism.

In teaching Hinduism, it is also important to be clear about why you are doing it and what you wish to achieve. There are now many resources to help, appropriate to different ages of pupils, but the same questions need to be asked about the reliability and representative nature of resources for children and young people as are asked about resources for adults. For example, does the book present the Hindu tradition using the model of Christianity (as monotheistic really, with the Bhagavad-Gita as the Hindu Bible)? Does it presume that all Hindus subscribe to the neo-Vedantic view that all religions lead to the same goal in the end – which would make it hard to understand items in the news about tensions between Hindus and Muslims over the sites of mosques and temples? Does it suggest that Hindus consider Buddhists, Jains and Sikhs to be Hindus too, despite the offence this may cause to some?

https://www.hinduismtoday.com/

Magazine produced by Himalayan Academy, based in Hawaii, which exists to foster Hindu solidarity worldwide and inform and inspire Hindus and those interested in Hinduism. Widely respected for providing non-sectarian, comprehensive and inclusive news on a wide range of religious and cultural topics from a Hindu perspective.

https://hindu-academy.com/

Hinduism as ‘spiritual humanism’ with links to many resources for schools and talks by Jay Lakhani.

www.iskconeducationalservices.org

Many resources on Hinduism reflecting pluralism and diversity as well as ISKCON perspectives.

https://hinduismeducationservices.co.uk/

Many resources on Hinduism, school and university visits, founded by the previous director of ISKCON Educational Services.

http://www.ochs.org.uk

Oxford Centre for Hindu Studies. Downloadable lectures and other information.

https://www.bbc.co.uk/news/topics/c2rndjjldzyt/hinduism

Items on Hinduism in the news.

BBC Radio 4 also has/had several series with relevant topics:

Beyond Belief

https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b006s6p6

Includes programmes on ‘Ayodhya’, ‘Karma’, ‘Women in Hinduism’ and ‘Yoga’

In Our Time

https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b006qykl

Includes programmes on ‘The Bhagavad Gita’, ‘Hindu Ideas of Creation’ ‘Lakshmi’ and ‘The Upanishads’.

Incarnations: India in 50 Lives

https://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/b05rptbv

Includes programmes on ‘Gandhi: In the Palm of Our Hands’, ‘Kautilya: The Circle of Power’, ‘Mirabai: I Go the Other Way’, ‘Rammohan Roy: Humanity in General’, ‘Shankaracarya: A God Without Qualities’, ‘Shivaji: Dreaming Big’, ‘Vivekananda: Bring All Together’.

For philosophy, the following are useful:

https://iep.utm.edu/ Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy

https://plato.stanford.edu/ Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy.

For sacred texts

https://www.sacred-texts.com/ Internet Sacred Text Archive.

Traditional Indian stories for children:

http://www.talesofpanchatantra.com/short-stories-for-kids

For festival dates consult the RE:ONLINE festivals Calendar (provided by the Shap Working Party):

https://www.reonline.org.uk/festival-calendar/

Many of the entries on Hindu topics on Wikipedia are reliable and very good, but use with the usual care.

One volume introductions to Hinduism – beginners

Knott, K. 2016. Hinduism: A Very Short Introduction 2^nd Edition. Oxford: OUP.

One volume introductions to Hinduism

Brockington, J.L. 1996/1981. The Sacred Thread: Hinduism in Its Continuity and Diversity. Edinburgh: EUP.

Fowler, J. 1997. Hinduism, Beliefs and Practices. Brighton: Sussex Academic Press.

Flood, G. 1996. An Introduction to Hinduism. Cambridge: CUP.

Frawley, D. 2018. What is Hinduism? A Guide for the Global Mind. New Delhi: Bloomsbury India.

Klostermaier, K.K. 2007. A Survey of Hinduism. 3^rd Edition. New York: SUNY Press.

Mittal, S. & Thursby, G. (eds.). 2007. Studying Hinduism: Key Concepts and Methods. London: Routledge.

Rodrigues, H. 2006. Introducing Hinduism. New York and London: Routledge.

Sweetman, W. 2011. Hinduism: An Introduction. London and New York: I.B. Taurus.

Reference

Cush D., Robinson C., and York M., (eds.) 2008 hb/2010 pb. Encyclopedia of Hinduism. Abingdon and New York: Routledge.

Flood, G. 2003 hb/2005 pb. The Blackwell Companion to Hinduism. Hoboken, NJ: Wiley-Blackwell.

Frazier, J. (ed.). 2014. The Bloomsbury Companion to Hindu Studies. London and New York: Bloomsbury.

Mittal, S. & Thursby, G. (eds.). 2004. hb/2007pb. The Hindu World. Abingdon and New York: Routledge.

Mittal, S. and Thursby, G. (eds).2007. Studying Hinduism: Key Concepts and Methods. Abingdon and New York: Routledge.

Hindu philosophy – beginners

Hamilton, S. 2001. Indian Philosophy: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford: OUP.

One volume introduction to Hindu and Indian philosophy

Bartley, S. 2015. An Introduction to Indian Philosophy: Hindu and Buddhist Ideas from Original Sources. London and New York: Bloomsbury.

Gupta, B. 2011. An Introduction to Indian Philosophy: Perspectives on Reality, Knowledge, and Freedom. Routledge.

Sacred Texts

Doniger, W. (trans.). 2004. Hindu Myths: A Sourcebook. London: Penguin Classics.

– (trans.). 2005. The Rig Veda. London: Penguin Classics.

Doniger, W. & Smith, B. (trans.). 1991. The Laws of Manu. London: Penguin Classics.

Johnson, W.J. (trans.). 2008. The Bhagavad Gita. Oxford: OUP.

Roebuck, V.J. (trans.) 2004. The Upanishads. London: Penguin Classics.

Arguments for teaching Hinduism in schools

Jackson, R. and Killingley, D. 1988. Approaches to Hinduism. London: John Murray. Robinson, C. 2019 ‘Hinduism and Religious Education’ in Wissenschaftlich Religionspädagogisches Lexikon im Internet (Dictionary of Academic Religious Education on the Internet) English version available at: https://www.bibelwissenschaft.de/stichwort/200594/

Other sources mentioned in this essay

CoRE (Commission on Religious Education). 2018. Final Report: Religion and Worldviews, the Way Forward: A national plan for RE. London: RE Council. Available at: https://www.commissiononre.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/Final-Report-of-the-Commission-on-RE.pdf

Jackson, R. 1998. ‘Hindu Festivals’. In P. Woodward with R. El-Droubie and C. Gould (eds.) Festivals in World Religions. Norwich: RMEP, pp.60-75.

Rasamandala Das. 2002. The Heart of Hinduism, a Comprehensive Guide for teachers and other professionals. Aldenham: ISKCON Educational Services.

Wintersgill, B. (ed.) 2017. Big Ideas for Religious Education. Exeter: University of Exeter. Also available from: http://tinyurl.com/bigideasforre

Wintersgill, B., with Cush, D. and Francis, D. 2019. Putting Big Ideas into Practice in Religious Education. Available from: http://www.reonline.org.uk/knowing/big-ideas-into-practice/

In addition to the general obligations everyone has their own duties (svadharma), depending on who they are. A famous instantiation of this is varnashrama dharma. The varnas are the four great classes of brahmins (priests), kshatriyas (warriors or rulers), vaishyas (merchants and farmers), and shudras (servants) whose creation from the dismemberment of Primal Man is related in the Rig Veda (10.90.11-12). This ancient hierarchical model accords the priests a privileged position as performers of Vedic sacrifices and custodians of Vedic knowledge. A distinction is made between the three higher classes, designated ‘twice-born’ on the basis of their eligibility for initiation into Vedic learning and investiture with the sacred thread, and the fourth class who are excluded from these. There were other considered to be outside the varna system. How this theoretical scheme of the four varnas relates to the thousands of jatis (‘castes’) is disputed (see Caste, class, varna and jati). Many contemporary Hindus suggest that the varnas should not be interpreted as classes to which one belongs by birth, but in terms of diverse aptitudes and abilities, and that careful reading of the ancient texts reveals that the idea of fixed categories only developed later.

The ashramas are the four lifestyles of celibate student, householder, hermit and renouncer. These can be seen as alternatives (as probably they were originally) so that a man could choose to be a renouncer for life rather than getting married and forming a household, or as later developed, seen as four stages in the same life. This system only applies to men in the three highest varnas eligible for initiation into Vedic knowledge. It excludes not only men from the lowest varna (shudras) and from groups outside of the varna system, but also all women whose traditional place in this scheme is only secondary, though significant, as the wives of householders who shared their husbands’ ritual and familial responsibilities. Women’s duty or stridharma centres on being a wife and is associated with the pativrata (‘husband-vowed’) ideal of a wife who is devoted to her husband and who consecrates her life to his service, which is exemplified by heroines such as Sita, the wife of Rama (see Gender and the role and status of women).

Contemporary Moral Issues

There is no one ‘Hindu’ view on any moral issue, any more than one ‘Christian’ or ‘Humanist’ view. There is only space here to indicate some Hindu perspectives on some controversial moral issues.

Human rights

Traditionally Hinduism has emphasised duties over rights and this, together with different moral duties for different categories of people and a focus on the collective rather than the individual, has been cited as a reason why human rights are incompatible with Hinduism. However, the corollary of duties is rights, so that one person’s duty implies another person’s rights. Similarly, while dharma does apply differently to the classes (varnas) and ashramas (modes of life), there are also universal virtues that apply to everyone. While there is an obligation to family, caste and society in general, there are also opportunities for the exercise of individual autonomy including the decision to renounce the world. The law of karma also implies individual autonomy and responsibility. Consequently, commentators have identified a basis for human rights in Hinduism and certainly the concept of human rights enjoys wide support among Hindus today, particular those involved in struggles against perceived social injustices.

Equality

Most Hindus today would argue that Hindus support equality, whether in terms of class/caste, gender or race. Hindu philosophies hold that the true self or atman is not to be identified with the particular physical body or social self of a current incarnation. Whether the atman is individual, or all one in Brahman, the divine dwells in all, and thus everyone is at least spiritually and ultimately equal, and should be treated as such. On the other hand, even spiritually, people are at different stages on their journey through many lives, and so saints, gurus and swamis who have achieved liberation or realised their oneness with the divine are honoured as superior beings.

Socially, in contrast with the modern concept of equality, where people are viewed mainly as individuals, many traditional societies often thought more about the harmonious functioning of the community as a whole, which required people to play the part given to them, and all would work for the good of the whole. This had its advantages, in that everyone had a useful role and a job, and groups were not in direct competition with each other, but disadvantages if an individual found their talents and interests were not suited to the role assigned them by birth, class or gender, and where the roles of some groups were obviously more valued and brought more material compensations than others. In common with other traditional societies, Hindu society developed hierarchical systems of organising society, which were not static throughout the millennia, and are still in processes of change today.

Caste, class, varna and jati

Many Hindus today argue that varna and jati have been much misunderstood by non-Hindus, as indicated by the very word ‘casta’ being coined by Portuguese traders in the sixteenth century and then incorporated into English as ‘caste’ and used by British colonialists. Indeed, in English usage ‘caste’ is often used to designate both varna and jati and thus the general hierarchical principle of Hindu, and to some extent Indian, society, though it may be used more technically to designate jati specifically.

Some insist that ‘caste’ (the concept as well as the name) is a British invention in the sense that the social groupings relating to the terms varna and jati that were a traditional part of Hindu social identity were reified and codified on the basis of the classical texts and as a result accorded a primary importance that they did not previously possess. This had the effect of making existing disadvantages of some groups more prominent.

In addition, whatever might have been true or not in the past, today it is argued that the ‘caste system’ with discrimination on grounds of caste no longer exists, and caste discrimination has been illegal in India since soon after Independence. Not all would agree that this ideal has yet been reached, especially those from groups traditionally viewed as the bottom end of the system, though there is evidence that both in India and diaspora, caste is becoming less important for contemporary Hindus as seen in areas such as socialising and marriage. Some Hindus argue that the whole topic is a social and economic one that has nothing to do with Hinduism as a religion.

In relation to varnas, contemporary Hindus may also distinguish between specific roles and responsibilities and the notion of superiority and inferiority attaching to the division of labour, or advocate the application of the meritocratic instead of the hereditary principle in which an individual’s abilities, not their birth, determines their place in society. There is evidence that the four varnas were perhaps more fluid in ancient times than they later became.

There are also thousands of jatis (usually translated as ‘castes’ in the narrower sense) and subgroups thereof. These are groups into which members are born, traditionally contracting marriages and sharing food with members of the same group, many of which were, and still to some extent are, associated with specific occupations. How these relate to the idea of varnas is disputed. In an effort to align the social reality of thousands of jatis with a textual model of four varnas, jatis have been often assigned to varnas. Various sacred texts have attempted to explain how the multitude of jatis arose, suggesting intermarriage between members of different varnas. In contrast, many scholars regard varna and jati as two separate systems though they have been associated with one another as jatis have been aligned with varnas as points of reference and, on occasion, as means of claiming enhanced status.

Certainly the history of the jati system is complex and disputed, has varied in different regions, and has changed and developed over time. Some blame colonial rule for making things more rigid and fixed than they were before. On the positive side, jatis have provided people with security, employment and welfare, and allowed different groups to continue with diverse customs (from food eaten to religious rituals) without forcing uniformity on everyone. On the other hand, some groups were viewed less favourably and suffered real material hardship and social discrimination. Particularly those jatis considered to be outside the varna system, below even the servants, sometimes labelled ‘outcastes’ (that is, outside of the system) or ‘untouchables’ because of the attitude of some groups at the top of the system, who feared that their purity would be compromised by contact with such people, have been subject to many forms of discrimination, even exclusion from places of worship. Examples of such jatis are those who traditional jobs are considered to be polluting (cleaners of toilets, dealing with dead bodies, processing leather).

The treatment of such jatis has been the most controversial aspect of the varna/jati system and was the subject of campaigning by, among others, Gandhi, who often denounced ‘untouchability’ to be an abuse of the system, and coined the term ‘harijans’ (‘people/children of God’) as an alternative label. In contrast, Ambedkar (1891-1956) maintained that the whole system was wrong, and such an intrinsic part of Hindu tradition that he turned to Buddhism. In response to such campaigns, Indian law made such discrimination illegal, and there have been various initiatives to improve conditions and opportunities for underprivileged ‘scheduled’ groups. Sometimes these have led to a backlash from other groups who considered that such ‘affirmative action’ discriminated against them, for example, in respect of education and employment. Contemporary activists from ‘ex-untouchable’ jatis often prefer to use the name ‘dalit’ (broken or oppressed) in order to draw attention to the still continuing suffering experienced by many.

Gender and the role and status of women

As with class, caste and race, the importance of gender is relativised by the concept of reincarnation, as it applies only to current embodied form and not the essential self or atman (even though the concept of karma might lead to acceptance of any disadvantages of a current gendered incarnation). Moreover, it is possible to draw upon Hindu beliefs that uphold equality such as the divine indwelling all selves and the ultimate unity of the selves as one, so at least spiritually all are equal. Gender diversity and fluidity beyond a male/female divide can also be found within the Hindu tradition (see Sex, gender and sexuality below).

Nevertheless, it is not surprising that in such an ancient, diverse and dynamic tradition one can find both negative and positive views of women, and it is anachronistic to expect ancient texts and traditions not to be sexist by contemporary standards, even if capable of different interpretations. On the negative side, women, like the servant class and those outside the varna system, were excluded from Vedic learning according to the varnashramadharma system (if perhaps less so in earlier times) and their role was mainly seen as in the domestic sphere of wife and mother. The ashrama pattern of student, householder, forest dwelling hermit and renouncer did not apply to women, though they were vital to the second stage as wives and mothers and might accompany their husbands in the third of these stages as part of their domestic duty or stridharma (women’s dharma). There has certainly been an historic preference for sons, even instances of female infanticide or foeticide (see Abortion below) as well as less favourable treatment of female children, and some examples of historic abuses such as mistreatment of widows and child marriage (see Sex, gender and sexuality).

On the other hand, many Hindus argue that some of the more negative aspects were later developments and point to the favourable position of women in ancient India as a measure of true Hindu norms and values. Not only are mothers traditionally respected, but when some Hindus have campaigned against, for instance, child marriage, the exclusion of women from education and their inability to participate in public life, they have done so by appealing to a positive reconstruction of the ideals of the distant past. Examination of the Vedic texts suggests that women had more agency and involvement in matters beyond the domestic, for instance (from the Upanishads) Gargi, a participant in philosophical debate with the sage Yajnavalkya, and Maitreyi, Yajnavalkya’s spiritually inclined wife who requested her husband’s instruction. Some suggest that many of the restrictions on women were only introduced as necessary protective measures under Muslim rule or that a divide in experience between men and women was exacerbated by the British Raj.

The modern Indian women’s movement has reinterpreted female figures presented as ideal wives in sacred texts to highlight qualities other than deference and obedience, for instance, courage and initiative as seen in Draupadi, Savitri, and even Sita. Historical figures that offer women a variety of roles and role models include women saints from the bhakti (devotion) traditions who challenged expectations of the nature and purpose of women’s lives. These include Andal (eighth century) devoted to Vishnu, the Shaivite ascetic Mahadevyakka/Akka Mahadevi (twelfth century) who is revered as a pioneer of women’s equality, and the princess Mirabai (sixteenth century) who considered herself married to Krishna. There are warriors, politicians and activists such as Rani (Queen) Lakshmi Bai of Jhansi (d.1858) who fought against the British, Sarojini Naidu (d.1949) who was a leading political activist in the Congress movement during and after the struggle for Indian Independence, a campaigner for women and a poet, and Jayaben Desai (d.2010) who led the strike at the Grunwick factory in England for better conditions for a mainly female South Asian workforce in 1976-78. There are also modern, recent and contemporary female saints, ascetics and gurus, such as Sister Nivedita (d.1911), Sarada Devi (d.1920), Anandamayi Ma (d.1982), Mataji Nirmala Devi (d.2011) and Mother Meera (born 1960).

The fact that the divine can be represented in female form, the Goddess and the many goddesses, and their association with power or shakti, especially figures such as the fierce goddess Kali, can be viewed as empowering for women. Many have pointed out that some of the issues that caused suffering for women such as the treatment of widows and the divorced only applied to higher class groups and women from lower classes were often free of such restrictions at least until the colonial era. There are examples of women-only rituals, at first menstruation, before marriage, and during pregnancy, and such gatherings might be occasions for sharing less-than-flattering views of men, as found also in folk songs.

The practice of vrats (vows), which involve actions such as fasting and prayers, traditionally engaged in for the welfare of the husband and the family, may be performed by women for their own purposes too. The Indian women’s movement in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, before and after Independence, were thus able to draw upon Hindu tradition to argue for equality for women, as do contemporary Hindu feminists today.

Racism and colourism

Given the Hindu belief that the self (atman) is successively re-embodied, the body including race or ethnicity is unimportant. The idea that the divine dwells within all beings also leads Hindus to see discrimination based on outward differences like skin colour or ethnicity as wrong, and any exploitation of one race by another, for example in slavery, as unacceptable. Nevertheless, accounts of the Aryan ‘invasion’ tend to portray the Aryans as light-skinned and the indigenous inhabitants of the subcontinent as dark-skinned though, of course, this account of the early development of Hinduism has been disputed (see Change and continuity: historical and geographical distribution) and Hindus themselves were subjected to racism under the British Raj and are still today in the diaspora. Gandhi is often seen as a heroic antiracist campaigner in apartheid South Africa, although others have claimed he had racist attitudes towards black Africans and was only concerned about the racism of white rulers against Indians. The two perspectives can be reconciled by suggesting that Gandhi’s attitudes developed over time and that his personal experience of anti-Indian racism gradually gave him insight into racism against all groups.

In common with other Indian communities and communities of Indian descent, the issue of colourism has also been highlighted, that is, discrimination based on skin colour that occurs within these communities to the advantage of lighter-complexioned and disadvantage of darker complexioned individuals. This has been analysed as an internalising of the historical experience of foreign rule and the negative legacy of colonial attitudes but Hinduism does provide resources to challenge such prejudice such as the dark-skinned goddess Parvati as an image of beauty diametrically opposed to the use of skin-lightening creams.

Wealth and poverty

The acquisition of wealth (artha) is a legitimate goal of human life (purushartha) though the means of its acquisition and how it is spent are also importantly and generally seen to be governed by dharma (duty, righteousness). Consequently, the significance of the householder reflects the obligation to maintain one’s dependents and generate the wealth required to contribute towards the flourishing of society as a whole including donations to religious and charitable causes. There is no romanticising of poverty in ordinary life even if an individual may choose to embrace poverty for spiritual reasons when renouncing the world and subsequently rely on the generosity of others for food and to satisfy any few remaining needs. There are many examples of Hindu charities to address poverty such as food banks organised by local temple communities in the UK and the International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON) international Food for Life programme which provides vegetarian meals to those in need as a practical expression of equality as well as a revival of the ancient tradition of hospitality.

Work

The concept of dharma in the sense of duty means that everyone should do their job to the best of their ability. The varna (and also jati) system (see Varnashramadharma) understood in an idealised way means that everyone has an important part to play in the overall running of society, from monarch or president to cleaner, and if everyone plays their part the whole of society will benefit. In this sense, everyone is a key worker. However, the traditional division of labour was hierarchical, so that those at the lower end of the system might not experience it in such a positive way as those at the top, especially those whose jobs are considered to be polluting (cleaners of toilets, dealing with dead bodies, processing leather) which meant that they were considered even beneath the servant class. This has led some contemporary Hindus to interpret the varna system as a matter of different people having different skills and aptitudes to contribute rather than anything to do with the group you are born into or difference in status.

The ashrama system came to mean that different work is expected at different stages of (at least males from the top three varnas) lives. A student should dedicate themselves to study, a householder to providing for their family and helping a wider range of others. The following two ashramas somewhat relativise the importance of work viewed as paid employment, running a business or even subsistence farming. Not only those who ‘work’ contribute to society. The third stage of retirement represents a stage when the many responsibilities of a full-time job, business, land and family can be gradually left to younger people, while still being able to contribute advice and the wisdom of experience, as well as living a simpler life with space for spiritual practices. Originally this stage involved leaving home and moving into the forest to live a simple hermit life, but still as a married couple if this was the husband’s wish. In this form, it has fallen into disuse. The final stage of renunciation frees you completely from the need to be involved with worldly concerns and marks a complete break from any remaining ties to family and household. Renunciation can also be a lifelong alternative to the world of work, reflecting earlier ideas of the ashramas as different modes of life that might be pursued in their own right rather than in combination over a lifetime, and the many kinds of monks, swamis and ascetics who rely completely on others for their sustenance are admired as dedicating themselves to the most important aims of life.