Global terms: Non-Religious

The Sentientism Worldview : “Evidence, reason, & compassion for all sentient beings”

Jamie Woodhouse | 30 April, 2026

Part of the excitement of modern Religious Education comes from exploring non-religious worldviews with children, an important element of the REC’s Religion and Worldviews approach. That exploration is timely as around half of UK people now say they have a non-religious worldview.

One increasingly popular modern worldview, that builds on ancient ideas, is Sentientism. You may have seen it mentioned in this RE Today resource or heard about it on The RE Podcast or the What Even Is RME? podcast.

What is the Sentientism worldview?

Like other worldviews, whether religious or not, Sentientism looks to help us with the deep questions like “what’s real?”, “who matters?” and “how can we make a better world?” Sentientism suggests we start answering those questions with a commitment to “evidence, reason, and compassion for all sentient beings”.

Sentience is the capacity to feel or to have experiences like pain or happiness or love or boredom. So sentient beings are, so far, human and nonhuman animals. But, maybe one day, we’ll create or meet artificial or alien sentient beings that should matter too.

Sentientism’s “compassion for all sentient beings” shares rich common ground with religious concepts like ahimsa, compassionate stewardship, ital and avoiding mafsada. At the same time, its “evidence and reason” shares the humble, open-minded, evidence-led naturalistic epistemology of Humanism.

Is Sentientism a new idea?

While Sentientism is a fairly new word, only coined in the 1970s, its core ideas are very old, maybe even pre-human. Naturalistic epistemology and sentience-focused ethics have deep roots in many regions and cultures and times. These themes can be found in African, Asian and ancient Greek thought, for example. Some thinkers even combined these ideas into something very much like an ancient form of Sentientism.

One example is the blind Arab philosopher poet Al-Ma’arri who lived over a thousand years ago. He used a naturalistic approach to challenge religious thinking and wrote about the ethics of veganism long before the word “vegan” was invented. He’s a fascinating historic character to bring into the classroom to complement modern sentientist thinkers like Greta Thunberg, Billie Eilish, Peter Singer and Joaquin Phoenix.

Sentientism seems to be of particular interest to young people as it resonates with their concerns about the environment, their care for nonhuman animals, the threats and opportunities of artificial intelligence (could AI be sentient?) and the risks of misinformation, disinformation, conspiracism, discrimination and exclusionary ethics. Sentientism also provides a secular framework for finding meaning and purpose that many young people find compelling.

An additional attraction of teaching the Sentientism worldview is that its commitment to “evidence and reason” can be a gateway into the wider worlds of philosophy, science and the humanities. Even younger children engage richly in questions like “how can we work out what’s true?” and “who should we care about?” All too often these deep questions are neglected because we’re busy focusing on lists of beliefs and practices and on narrowly intra-human ethics.

 How can Sentientism deepen philosophical thinking in RE?

Children of all ages also enjoy exploring the sometimes radical implications of this simple, pluralistic worldview. One of the most obvious implications of Sentientism is Veganism (see VinEs great resources here), now recognised in UK and EU Equalities Law as a cogent philosophical belief and a protected characteristic. But what about Sentientist Politics, Sentientist Justice and even a Universal Declaration of Sentient Rights? We can reimagine our entire world together.

Exploring the Sentientism worldview can help you bring real philosophical depth into your classroom in an engaging way that feels fresh and relevant to young people. In my own work with schools, I find children’s curiosity and compassion bubbles up with an irrepressible energy when we work on these profound questions.

If you’re interested in digging a little deeper, here’s a recording of a recent “Teaching Sentientism” webinar. I’m also registered with RE Hubs as a nationwide school speaker for Sentientism so I can help you run classes, workshops, deliver assemblies and shape curriculums. Please do get in touch if I can help in any way. And regardless, I’d love to hear you and your children’s thoughts on the Sentientism worldview.

You can find Jamie on BlueSky (and elsewhere) @JamieWoodhouse and @Sentientism. Full links here

Jamie Woodhouse (hello@sentientism.info)

Links: YouTube (suitable for older students and teachers) Podcast Sentientism.info Community (all welcome!) @Sentientism

About

Jamie is working to develop Sentientism (“Evidence, reason, and compassion for all sentient beings”) as a worldview and as a global movement. He hosts the Sentientism Podcast and YouTube, speaks at schools and universities, and has published articles and presented academic seminars on the Sentientism philosophy and its implications. He is building a range of global Sentientism Communities (open to all) that so far span over 100 countries.

See all posts by Jamie Woodhouse

The Stickiness of non-religion

Research Summary: The Stickiness of non-religion

‘No religion’ is on the rise in many countries. But how is this taking place? Some studies show that changes during adulthood are less important than inter-generational non-religious transmission or failure of religious transmission. E.g. Woodhead (2017) reports that 45% of those children raised Christian become non-religious, but 95% of those raised non-religious stay so. So, how do various influences (family, school, peer, others) join in determining children’s non-religious identities? The research shows different processes at work. In families, there are both active non-religious upbringing and implicit expressions of non-religiousness. In school RE and assembly, children’s unremarked non-religiousness becomes marked. Yet the processes are not passive. Children exercise agency over them.

Researcher

Anna Strhan and Rachael Shillitoe

Research Institution

The Stickiness of non-religion

What is this about?

  • What are the different ways in which children are brought up as non-religious – or come to understand themselves to be non-religious?
  • How does family life shape this?
  • How do school experiences contribute?
  • What is the role of children’s own agency?

What was done?

Ethnographic studies were made in three English primary schools, lasting 6-7 weeks each and combining participant observation. paired interviews with children who had answered ‘no’ or ‘not sure’ to a worksheet question ‘do you believe in God?’, plus interviews with parents and teachers. The schools were in different kinds of location: inner city ‘high nones’, NW ‘Bible Belt’ and suburban.

Main findings and outputs

  • Religion is rarely mentioned at home or with friends; it comes up in school assembly or RE.
  • Many children don’t know whether their parents are religious and refer instead to grandparents.
  • Sometimes a lack of home religious practice becomes a marker of children’s non-religious identity. However, parents too are often unaware of their children’s religious or non-religious identity.
  • Lack of family discussion of religion is a factor in transmission of non-religion – it makes religion marginal in respondents’ culture – but this contrasts with school, where in RE and assemblies religion is discussed frequently.
  • In RE, teaching is modelled on a religious / non-religious binary, but children sometimes resist it. They express hybrid worldviews drawing on science and religion. But sometimes the binary is reinforced, when, for instance, they cannot write prayers.
  • Children say that as they get older, their ability to make these decisions increases, and that this individual choice is important to them.
  • Non-religion is dissimilar to any form of organised religion. It rejects its elements but also its type of element (authoritative scripture, person, or authority in general).

Relevance to RE

The research findings may relate to RE / R&W practice in different ways. First, by showing that the subject ought give more attention to processes of religious and non-religious transmission, in curriculum development. For example, Big Ideas 1 and 3 (Continuity, Change and Diversity and The Good Life) touch on without really developing it. Second, by illustrating how what’s studied in RE / R&W is not separate from who studies it: the RE lessons covered in the research themselves form part of the children’s non-religious socialisation. Third, the research shows that the 7-13 age range may be a long phase of identity-shaping for children, meaning that KS2 / KS3 curriculum and pedagogy should respond by offering plenty of space for reflection on meaning.

Generalisability and potential limitations

The study is of three schools and a fairly large number of children (30 to 40 per school); with parents of 15 children per school, and 4 teachers per school. Schools were carefully selected to reflect various populations. The findings are drawn carefully and the research set within a broader range of studies.

Find out more

Anna Strhan and Rachael Shillitoe, The Stickiness of Non-Religion? Intergenerational Transmission and the Formation of NonReligious Identities in Childhood. Sociology (2019) 53(6) 1094–1110. See also Linda Woodhead, The rise of ‘no religion’: Towards an explanation. Sociology of Religion (2017) 78(3) 247–262.

The article is online at https://doi.org/10.1177/0038038519855307

The Worldviews of the so-called ‘Nones’ Listening, Understanding & Teaching in Rural Lincolnshire

Research Spotlight: The Worldviews of the so-called ‘Nones’ Listening, Understanding & Teaching in Rural Lincolnshire

September 2023

Professor Andy Wright and Dr Elina Wright

At the start of a new academic year, we are sharing some early-stage research being done by Professor Andy Wright and Dr Elina Wright. Alongside other current developments in the subject, their work builds on the Commission on RE (2018) and explores new ways of thinking about a religion and worldviews approach. They use their local context, rural Lincolnshire, to exemplify their approach.

 

Sunday Assembly – an atheist church?

Research Summary: Sunday Assembly – an atheist church?

The Sunday Assembly has a complex relationship with atheism and religion. It holds events which look and feel like religious worship, but uses this format to create a ‘godless congregation’. Described as an ‘atheist church’ by the media, members prefer to talk about inclusive communities. If the Sunday Assembly simultaneously embraces and rejects both atheism and religion, then how do attendees identify and describe themselves? A qualitative study based on interviews with Sunday Assembly attendees is presented. The findings show that a significant number of attendees publicly identify as indifferent towards religion, while privately maintaining a more strongly non-religious identity, thus suggesting that for Sunday Assembly attendees, inclusivity is imperative.

Researchers

Melanie Prideaux & Tim Mortimer

Research Institution

University of Leeds

What is this about?

This research is about the Sunday Assembly, a movement with 80 chapters in 8 countries that focusses on community, service, a lack of doctrine or deity and inclusivity. Meetings resemble Anglican church services but the structure is used to create a godless alternative. The movement began in London in 2013, receiving a considerable amount of media attention as an ‘atheist church’. But the Sunday Assembly publicly rejects an atheist label or concern with related themes. The Sunday Assembly thus presents a good opportunity to study a range of issues related to religion and non-religion.

What was done?

The data were gathered through an online survey, promoted through social media, and semi-structured interviews and participant observation over a six-month period at two different Sunday Assembly meetings in the UK: Leeds and London. Thirty individuals were either interviewed or responded to the survey. The fieldwork was conducted during 2013–2014 in the first year of the Sunday Assembly.

Main findings and outputs

  • The expressed identities of Sunday Assembly attendees are complex.
  • The three concepts of non-religion, the secular sacred and indifferentism help to explain them.
  • The data show that attendees of the Sunday Assembly reject classification, both of the poles of observant religion and overt irreligion, and further of classifying their identity between these poles.
  • Sunday Assembly attendees often identify publicly with indifferentism or indifference to issues of religion or belief, though the details of their interview answers often suggest that they are not so indifferent.
  • Privately, respondents regularly identify as non-religious.
  • Many are reluctant to be identified with the Richard Dawkins style of atheism, which, together with organised religion, is sometimes described as aggressive.
  • The public display of indifference is due to a secular sacred boundary around the concept of inclusivity.
  • It is non-negotiable for Sunday Assembly members that all should be included without judgement.
  • An abrupt distinction between non-religion and the secular is problematic. Sunday Assembly members do not primarily identify as non-religious, but inclusive.

Relevance to RE

Within RE, there is continuing discussion of the nature of non-religious worldviews and how to approach teaching about them. The research provides evidence, insights and discussion on an interesting example. RE teachers might use it to help develop their knowledge base on non-religious worldviews (even though the researchers find that non-religious is not the best way to describe the Sunday Assembly). They could also find the material useful in preparing to teach about the Sunday Assembly, e.g. as preparation for hosting visitors in lessons and thinking about the questions pupils could ask and explore with them.

Generalisability and potential limitations

The researchers discuss some limitations of the research. The scale is quite small and the study took place when the Sunday Assembly was in its infancy. They suggest, however, that the study raises questions that would repay more detailed, updated studies.

Find out more

The full article is: Tim Mortimer & Melanie Prideaux (2018) Exploring identities between the religious and the secular through the attendees of an ostensibly ‘Atheist Church’, Religion, 48:1, 64-82.

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/0048721X.2017.1386135

Non-religious worldviews in RE: teachers’ perspectives

Research Summary: Non-religious worldviews in RE: teachers’ perspectives

In this article, findings from a qualitative study of the views and experiences of 25 RE teachers in England are used to identify and explore a range of issues, in relation to national and international debates and research. Examples of inclusion and the models that they suggest are considered and it is argued that major obstacles, such as limited time and lack of a framework for the integration of religious and nonreligious worldviews, can be overcome. However, it is concluded that this will require further research and curriculum development work and that international collaboration should be pursued.

Researcher

Dr Judith Everington

Research Institution

University of Warwick

What is this about?

Teaching of nonreligious worldviews in RE is recommended in several influential documents, but what are the issues that need to be dealt with?

  • The views and experiences of 25 teachers are given.
  • There are obstacles such as lack of time and an agreed framework.
  • However, it is argued that though further work will be needed, the obstacles can be overcome.

What was done?

The study was undertaken between 2014–16 and employed qualitative research methods. Questionnaires were completed by 25 teachers. Eleven of these (4 men and 7 women) agreed to participate in one-to-one, semi-structured interviews of 45–90 min duration. Participants responded to an invitation disseminated through RE networks. All were RE specialists.

Main findings and outputs

  • There is controversy about the inclusion of nonreligious worldviews in RE, some viewing it as essential to an inclusive RE, others as diluting RE’s distinctive content, but so far we know little of teachers’ views.
  • Most teachers were unsure how to define a nonreligious worldview but referred to institutional systems as ways of making sense of human experience or providing beliefs and values, almost all mentioning Humanism but not limited to Humanism.Most encouraged nonreligious students to express their views in the classroom.
  • All felt that nonreligious worldviews should be included in RE. It would build academic skills, for instance, and social cohesion. But the main reason given was to develop students’ own beliefs or spirituality.
  • The teaching approach most often referred to was to make frequent reference to nonreligious views or perspectives in RE lessons and to ensure space for the expression of students’ nonreligious views, though specific units or lessons were also included, if rarely on a systematic basis.
  • The main issue mentioned was lack of time. Others were lack of resources and knowledge. Also, do nonreligious worldviews ‘fit’ in a framework for studying religions?

Relevance to RE

There are key issues for schools, as well as researchers, to consider further. Much appears to depend on:

  • School support for RE, in providing curriculum time and encouraging the development of innovative approaches.
  • Teachers’ development of appropriate subject knowledge.

It also seems pertinent to consider other countries’ experiences, e.g. Norway, where nonreligious worldviews have been taught within RE since 1997. In general, work is also needed to identify which worldviews could be studied in addition to Humanism and to develop criteria for making decisions on this.

Generalisability and potential limitations

As the author says on page 20 of the text:

It is not possible to generalise from the findings of a qualitative study which relied on those with sufficient interest in the subject to volunteer their participation. However, the value of the research lies in the rich data provided by teachers who responded in some detail to questions about their views, experiences and concerns.

Find out more

Judith Everington (2019) Including nonreligious worldviews in religious education: the views and experiences of English secondary school teachers, British Journal of Religious Education, 41:1, 14-26.

https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/01416200.2018.1478277

Humanism – good without God

Research Summary: Humanism – good without God

This research examines conceptions of happiness and pleasure among secular humanists in Britain. Based on fieldwork among members of the British Humanist Association, and its associated local groups, it is found that happiness for the humanists means enlightenment, or an appeal to reason over and against what they see as the irrationality of religion. For them, happiness and pleasure are subjective experiences, but they also reflect philosophical and ethical commitments. For the humanists, to be happy is to be secular.

Researcher

Matthew Engelke

Research Institution

London School of Economics and Political Science

What is this about?

  • Humanism
  • Happiness
  • Secularism
  • Ethics
  • Humanism in Britain

What was done?

The research methodology is not spelled out, but it appears to be an informal, ethnographic one: spending time with humanists, observing their behaviour and emotions, carrying out conversations with them and, it can be imagined, making notes then or later. The research reads somewhat like journalism.

Main findings and outputs

  • Happiness is part and parcel of humanism. Humanism in contemporary Britain is driven by a passion for the pursuit of happiness.
  • To humanists, being happy and being “good without god” is a commitment both to pleasure and to progress. It isn’t just a state of mind but a measure of living well. It’s connected with the Enlightenment ethic of thinking for yourself and finding meaning in life now.
  • For humanists, critique of religion and cultivation of humanism go hand in hand. Religion is humanism’s opposite and other. Christianity, in particular, is heavily criticized. But it’s because it’s seen as irrational – humanism has its own forms of wonder and celebration. Humanists are also observed holding lengthy ethical discussions; they meet to hold ‘ethical juries’ about how to really, objectively, help others, in different situations. Importantly, the fact that they are deliberating rationally is just as significant as any conclusions that are drawn – it means a ‘happy virtue’ and the ‘only authentic option’.

Relevance to RE

The research is very relevant to any teaching about non-religious worldviews. Teachers can read it to develop subject knowledge, and build the findings into presentations about Humanism they make to students. Some of these findings set up good class or small group discussions, or extended writing topis. How important or wise is it always to think for yourself? How justified is it to say that religion (especially Christianity) is irrational? Or that being happy is a sign of living well?

Generalisability and potential limitations

The informal nature of the research makes it hard to judge whether it represents UK humanists in general, but it is well-backed by wider literature and has an authentic feel. Comments are welcomed!

Find out more

The original article is Matthew Engelke, “Good without God” Happiness and pleasure among the humanists, Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory (2015) 5 (3): 69–91. It can be accessed freely from DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.14318/hau5.3.005

From Sunday Stalwarts to Solidly Secular

Research Summary: From Sunday Stalwarts to Solidly Secular

“Most U.S. adults identify with a particular religious denomination or group. They describe themselves as Catholic, Baptist, Methodist, Jewish, Mormon or Muslim– to name just a few of the hundreds of identities or affiliations that people give in surveys. Others describe themselves as atheist, agnostic or say they have no particular religious affiliation. These are the conventional categories into which Americans sort themselves. But a new Pew Research Center analysis looks at beliefs and behaviors that cut across many denominations – important traits that unite people of different faiths, or that divide people who have the same religious affiliation – producing a new and revealing classification, or typology, of religion in America.” (Summary taken from original press release at http://www.pewforum.org/2018/08/29/the-religious-typology/ downloaded on September 12 2018.)

Researcher

Pew Research Center, Washington DC

Research Institution

Pew Research Center, Washington DC

What is this about?

This is about the different religious groups in the US, and how they vary internally, in terms of religious commitment, behaviour or attitudes to religion. Survey data were used to generate seven categories of religiosity that cut across religious boundaries. E.g. ‘Sunday Stalwarts’ are the traditionalist, highly engaged members, ‘Diversely Devout’ are those who whilst traditionalist are also open to ‘New Age’ beliefs such as reincarnation or psychic power and ‘Religion Resisters’ are those who think that institutional religion does more harm than good. The other categories are ‘God-and-Country Believers’, ‘Relaxed Religious’, ‘Spiritually Awake’ and ‘Solidly Secular’.

What was done?

A survey of 4729 respondents was done. It included 16 questions about their religious and spiritual beliefs and practices, the value they place on their religion, and the other sources of meaning and fulfillment in their lives. The typology groups were then created using cluster analysis, a statistical technique that identified homogeneous groups of respondents based on their answers.

Main findings and outputs

The findings are quite extensive and readers are directed to the main report (link below), but some examples can be given so as to provide a flavour. What is interesting is how the categories cut across traditional religious and non-religious lines:

  • Some data may be unsurprising (76% of the ‘Solidly Secular’ have no religious affiliation).
  • However, it raises questions that 17% of the ‘Solidly Secular’ category identify as Christian.
  • Within Religion Resisters, non-Christian religious faiths contribute their highest overall percentage (11%).
  • They only make up 6% of the ‘Sunday Stalwart’ category, which could be down to population or survey factors; the word ‘Sunday’ is used because 90% of the group belong to Christian churches and it did not figure in survey questions.
  • There are interesting sub-findings, e.g. 19% of ‘Sunday Stalwarts’ and 12% of ‘Solidly Secular’ believe in reincarnation; 98% of ‘Religion Resisters’ believe there is spiritual energy located in physical things such as mountains, trees or crystals.

Relevance to RE

The final Commission on RE report speaks of the need for a deeper understanding of the complex, diverse and plural nature of worldviews at both institutional and personal levels, and to ensure that pupils understand that there are different ways of adhering to a worldview. This Pew Center research gives an original, imaginative illustration of these factors. RE curriculum developers and teachers could use it to consider how to represent diversity within religions; teacher trainers could use it to illustrate the need for this to trainees.

Generalisability and potential limitations

The survey was large-scale (4729 respondents) and care was taken to achieve a representative sample. One limitation is that the US rather than the UK is represented. The researchers also acknowledge that identifying cluster groups is as much art as science. However, UK teachers and researchers could take note of the problematising of religious categories and perhaps find ways to explore similar issues in our own contexts.

Find out more

The full Pew Centre research bulletin is available for free download at http://www.pewforum.org/2018/08/29/the-religious-typology/

British ‘nones’: what do they believe in and do?

Research Summary: British ‘nones’: what do they believe in and do?

This presents new and existing evidence which shows that ‘no religion’ has risen to rival ‘Christian’ as the preferred self-designation of British people. It offers a characterisation of the ‘nones’ which reveals that most are not straightforwardly secular. General cultural pluralisation and ethical liberalisation in Britain are held to be significant (churches have tended in the opposite direction). ‘No religion’ has become the new cultural norm, yet Britain is most accurately described as between Christian and ‘no religion’.

Researcher

Linda Woodhead

Research Institution

Lancaster University

What is this about?

‘Nones’ have been increasing in numbers in Britain for some time, but recently a majority of British people declared their affiliation as ‘no religion’ rather than ‘Christian’. What has happened? Who are they? What do they believe and do? Why has the shift occurred? Has Britain ceased to be a ‘Christian country’?

What was done?

This is an overview of census data (since 2001) and data from surveys carried out by the author (from 2013-2015), together with attention to earlier sources so as to plot longer-term trends.

Main findings and outputs

  • Whilst ‘no religion’ now exceeds ‘Christian’ as most people’s self-designation, ‘nones’ are not straightforwardly secular.
  • They reject religious labels but also secular ones; despite the ‘Dawkins factor’ they are not hostile to religion (e.g. against faith schools).
  • In the latest data, if we compare Christian and ‘no religion’ there is a striking contrast between the younger (18–24) with a majority (60 per cent) reporting ‘no religion’ and a minority (27 per cent) identifying as ‘Christian’, and the older (60 and over) where the proportions are roughly reversed.
  • A small minority believe in God whilst most are agnostic.
  • A quarter take part in a personal religious or spiritual practice, but none take part in communal ones or join groups.
  • ‘Nones’ share a liberal value set with many ‘somes’. In 2013-14 the author polled Britons on ‘controversial issues’ such as same-sex marriage, abortion, assisted dying: 83% were towards the liberal end of the opinion scale (supporting individual choice), 100% of ‘nones’ were, contrasting most sharply with Muslims, evangelical Christians and Anglican and Catholic bishops.

Relevance to RE

The relevance to RE teaching is that care needs to be taken when distinguishing religious from secular people, as there are beliefs, attitudes and practices that apply across the apparent divide. This means that a sensitive, differentiated approach to exploring the religious and world-view composition of the UK is needed. Teachers could bring out some of the similarities and differences in discussion with pupils and help them to consider their meanings and consequences.

Generalisability and potential limitations

This is a thorough analysis of comprehensive survey data.

Find out more

Linda Woodhead (2016), ‘The rise of “no religion” in Britain: The emergence of a new cultural majority’, Journal of the British Academy, 4: 245–261.

Available for free download at DOI 10.85871/jba/004.245 https://www.thebritishacademy.ac.uk/documents/1043/11_Woodhead_1825.pdf

The Lived Worldviews of Tower Hamlets

Resource spotlight: The Lived Worldviews of Tower Hamlets

Ruth Marx was awarded a 10th anniversary grant from Culham St Gabriel’s to research and create resources into core- Religion and Worldviews for Key Stage 5. This suite of resources is the result of this research and explores the worldviews of 13 individuals who live or work in Tower Hamlets interviewed about their worldviews. The worldviews discussed are from a range of religious and non-religious traditions and the interviewees are expressing their own opinions and not representing any organisation as a whole. Each video is accompanied by an editable power point with activities to embed and extend the learning and an overview document shows the worldview(s), themes discussed and cross curricular links which can be explored with this resource. Whilst created with core 16-19 Religion and Worldviews in mind these resources may be of use for younger age groups and for teacher CPD.

  • Could you create a suite of resources like this for your area?
  • Could you share one of these resources and compare it to a case study of a person in your area?
  • Do let us know how you use these resources?

All the resources are available in The Lived Worldviews of Tower Hamlets Padlet

A taster video is available below:

Nones (non-religious worldviews)

Nones (non-religious worldviews)

5-7 year olds

This may seem like an unfamiliar word, ‘nones’ refers to people who state ‘none’ when asked if they have a religion. How to explore non-religious worldviews with 5-7 year old children? Here we start to think about ways of seeing the world that do not involve belief in a deity.

Although this resource is about non-religious people it was created by Lynn Revell and Kate Christopher as part of their Canterbury Christ Church University grant funded project Teaching Islam as a Worldview. Funding provided by  Culham St Gabriel’s Trust. You can find further resources which were created as part of this project in the RE:ONLINE resource Islam as a Worldview

Follow this link to read more about Kate and Lynn’s research and watch a short video