This month’s research is a follow-up from Zameer Hussain’s highly appreciated RExChange session on Ijtihad. Questions for discussion are:
Why is it harder to find the truth for Muslims the further we are from Muhammad?
How should we read scripture such as the Quran and Hadith? Does everything it says apply to today?
What is the difference between the text and the principles of the text?
Who decides what is true for Muslims today?
Should everyone be able to perform ijtihad or just Muslim scholars? What is the potential problem for each side?
According to my research, which is primarily my own classroom experiences and observations, ijtihad is a concept that is taught far too late. If teaching the Islam component at A-Level, it is certainly explored there but I argue that students should be taught this in KS3 (or even KS2) so that when they are presented with diverse Muslim conclusions on an issue, it should come as natural to them. If not, we are in danger of a single dominant Islamic worldview deemed as most authentic and alternative opinions dismissed as irrelevant or not authentic. This is not to dismiss Islamic tradition where there is consensus on several issues but Islamic tradition also has a rich history of diversity where healthy scholarly debate takes place on several issues – every topic is up for discussion.
Teaching students about ijtihad will allow students to recognise that when Muslims seek to answer questions, they are merely trying to find what is the truth. Post-Muhammad, they are not able to ask Muhammad himself. The Quran, although believed to give eternal principles and guidelines, doesn’t cover every single issue that will ever arise so the need for ijtihad becomes even more important. However, just like different doctors may give different prescriptions to a patient based on the same illness, different scholars will give various opinion on the same moral issue based on their own understanding of the sources and reasoning. Ijtihad unlocks this world of diversity within Islam that removes the binaries of ‘forbidden’ and ‘permissible’ and gives students the understanding of how, particularly in Islamic legalism, there are several conclusions on one issue.
In a lot of classroom practice, when presenting different views on an issue within Islam, especially a moral one, teachers may often default to using phrases such as ‘X type of Muslim would believe…’, ‘Y type of Muslim would say…’, ‘Z type of Muslim would do…’. We may add labels in front of the word ‘Muslim’ such as ‘liberal’, ‘conservative’, ‘progressive’ or ‘reformist’ (despite these labels not existing in Islamic terminology). This can especially affect teachers who are teaching the components of GCSE RE that require diverse views on moral and ethical issues. The end answer to different Muslim views on gender roles, for example, might be presented but do students know how different Muslims came to those conclusions apart from using an isolated quote from a source of authority? Students must not just learn scholarly views but literally be walked through and almost mimic what a scholar of Islam does to come to a conclusion – they should be empowered to perform ijtihad as an activity on a topic so they can see how complex it is for a Muslim scholar to come to a conclusion. It allows students to engage with hermeneutics by reading Islamic sources and asking questions about it: What is being said? Who is it being said to? Is the source authentic? What was culture and custom at the time this was written? Do any of the Arabic words have different translations? If there is a command, is it a binding command or a recommendation? Does what is written apply today? Do we take it literally or draw principles from it? Having students ask these questions empowers them to truly become scholars and ask similar questions when engaging with any religious text, which is powerful RE in itself.
This article explores the ways in which Islam is presented in an essentialist way in RE in England and Wales, leading to stereotypes that are embedded in resources and agreed syllabi. It provides a critique of essentialism, and makes a case for the role of hermeneutics in teaching and learning about Islam. A hermeneutical approach is argued to be a sound way to conceptualise Islam and a pedagogical opening to make sense of it, that may help overcome some of the weaknesses of the current ways of teaching about Islam.
Research Title
Religious education and hermeneutics: the case of teaching about Islam
Researchers
Dr Farid Panjwani & Dr Lynn Revell
Research Institution
Institute of Education, University College London / Canterbury Christ Church University
What is this about?
In what ways do stereotypes enter presentations of Islam in RE?
How can these be overcome?
What contribution can hermeneutics make to the improvement of teaching and learning about Islam?
What was done?
This is a scholarly, analytical discussion of Islam and educational practice, focussed on the dangers of essentialism – defined as follows on page 268 of the article:
“Essentialism is the belief that a thing has a set of characteristics which make it what it is. Often this is accompanied with an assumption that how an idea or a phenomenon was in its original state, determines its essence.”
This limits engagement with the varieties of Islam and may set up Islam as the antithesis of ‘Western values’.
Main findings and outputs
Academics often criticise essentialist views of Islam, but the tendency persists in RE resources and curricula.
From p.270: “In endless textbooks we can see the playing out of this narrative as adherence to the same markers (dress, beliefs, festivals, rituals) are identified as the defining characteristics of belonging to religious communities. Approaches to the teaching of Islam that define Muslims through a focus on essential, ahistorical features are in effect creating and legitimising a stereotype.”
Ibid.: “Even where diversity within Islam is recognised it is represented within cultural silos so that ‘different types’ of Muslims appear as a series of stereotypes, the liberal Muslim, the extremist Muslim, the Pakistani Muslim etc.”
A second problem is to describe Islam as a ‘world religion’ by the use of common themes, beliefs, practices and concepts rooted in Christian traditions.
Rather than just presenting diversity we need to explore why there is diversity in the first place. It is because of a hermeneutical process; when people first heard the Qur’an, different kinds of responses were made depending on the situations of the hearers. This process continues. There is no single teaching on attitudes to other religions, for example. Different communities place different boundaries and “Muslims make Islam as much as Islam makes Muslims”. (p.274)
Relevance to RE
Readers are strongly encouraged to read the original article in full, as lack of space here prevents sufficiently detailed summary. However, two clear pedagogical recommendations are made in its conclusion. First, rather than posing questions such as ‘what is Islam’s view on Christianity?’, it is better to ask ‘how have Muslims understood Islam’s relationship with Christianity?’. Second, the role of pupils should change – they should be enabled to enquire into different meanings; this is how religions continue to remain relevant and pupils can participate in this process for themselves.
Generalisability and potential limitations
As it is not a presentation of empirical data, the factor of generalisability does not really apply in this case. Rather, teachers are invited to weigh up the article’s arguments and try out and evaluate its pedagogical recommendations in practice.
Find out more
Farid Panjwani & Lynn Revell (2018) Religious education and hermeneutics: the case of teaching about Islam, British Journal of Religious Education, 40:3, 268-276.
There is growing evidence that Western societies are becoming less religious, though a ‘core’ of religious believers remains. But to what extent are remaining Protestants more religious than before, and compared with remaining Catholics? Analysing survey data from 1985 to 2012 in the US, Canada, and Great Britain, the researcher finds that, in most cases, Protestant affiliation has declined more significantly than Catholic affiliation. Yet, individuals who declare themselves as belonging to a Protestant denomination have higher rates of regular service attendance, prayer, and Christian beliefs than those previously. They have also surpassed these same rates among Catholics in both the US and Canada and are on track to do so in Britain in the coming years. The research is of interest and use to RE teachers who teach about contemporary Christianity or deal with pupils’ questions about the ‘dying out’ of Christianity or religion – it provides data that show how complex the issue is.
Researcher
Sarah Wilkins-Laflamme
Research Institution
University of Waterloo, Canada
What is this about?
Within the general trend (backed by evidence) that Western societies are becoming less religious:
To what extent are those who remain Protestant more religious than before?
To what extent are those who remain Protestant more religious than those who remain Catholic?
What answers are suggested to these questions by data collected in the USA, Canada and Britain?
What was done?
Large national annual data sets from 1985 to 2012 were analysed: the 1985–2012 American (US GSS) and Canadian General Social Surveys (CAN GSS) as well as the British Social Attitudes Surveys (BSA). These provide indications of levels of religious belief and practice.
Main findings and outputs
Numbers of people identifying as Protestant have declined more than those identifying as Catholic: e.g. a decline of 28.8% among Protestants in Great Britain, compared with 17.9% among Catholics over 1985–2012.
Those remaining Protestant have seen an increase in levels of church attendance and prayer, especially compared to remaining Catholics.
Fewer remain affiliated to Protestantism, but those who do are more practising. Consider Quebec: In 1965, 90% of this Canadian province’s residents identified themselves as Catholics and 87% attended mass at least once a week; in 2012, 77% still identified with Catholicism, but only 12% declared that they attended mass at least once a week; 47% declared that they never attended religious services.
Something makes non-practising Catholics hold on to their religious identities, in ties that remain for a long period. However, fewer parents attending church and bring children to mass, so this may not last.
Regarding beliefs, however, increasing levels of believing are found amongst those who remain Protestant or Catholic. Levels of Christian beliefs have increased among both religious groups in the USA and Great Britain between 1991 and 2008 (beliefs in God, in life after death, in Heaven, in Hell, and in miracles).
Traditional thinking which sees Catholics as more religious as Protestants should be re-considered. General religious decline is changing the picture: in the UK, religious believers are a diverse minority (just under 50% in 2009), differing from the majority who are removed from religion.
Relevance to RE
There are different ways in which this research is relevant to RE pedagogy. Firstly, in dealing directly with the issues – when teaching courses or lessons about Christianity in the contemporary world – teachers may wish to use the data as content. If so, colleagued would be well advised to read the original article in its entirety, as only ‘headline findings’ have been presented here and the original data set and analysis are extremely rich and interesting. Secondly, the data open up questions about the nature of religion and Christianity that could be explored with pupils: why might people hang on to their religious identities even if belief and practice have faded? What does it mean to be religious (might this mean different things)? Why might those who continue to believe and practice do so more strenuously, as a minority in society? Finally, if the researcher is right to suggest that the gap between the non-religious majority and the religious minority is increasing, teachers ought to assume less background knowledge about religion within the majority, even less readiness to engage. Explanation may need to begin from further back and bridges to understanding built more patiently.
Generalisability and potential limitations
The data are characterised by high levels of generalisability and reliability (large sets, finding common trends in different countries and distinct trends over time).
Find out more
Protestant and Catholic Distinctions in Secularization, Journal of Contemporary Religion 31.2 pages 165-180 (published online 6 May 2016), 10.1080/13537903.2016.1152660
This research examines conceptions of happiness and pleasure among secular humanists in Britain. Based on fieldwork among members of the British Humanist Association, and its associated local groups, it is found that happiness for the humanists means enlightenment, or an appeal to reason over and against what they see as the irrationality of religion. For them, happiness and pleasure are subjective experiences, but they also reflect philosophical and ethical commitments. For the humanists, to be happy is to be secular.
Researcher
Matthew Engelke
Research Institution
London School of Economics and Political Science
What is this about?
Humanism
Happiness
Secularism
Ethics
Humanism in Britain
What was done?
The research methodology is not spelled out, but it appears to be an informal, ethnographic one: spending time with humanists, observing their behaviour and emotions, carrying out conversations with them and, it can be imagined, making notes then or later. The research reads somewhat like journalism.
Main findings and outputs
Happiness is part and parcel of humanism. Humanism in contemporary Britain is driven by a passion for the pursuit of happiness.
To humanists, being happy and being “good without god” is a commitment both to pleasure and to progress. It isn’t just a state of mind but a measure of living well. It’s connected with the Enlightenment ethic of thinking for yourself and finding meaning in life now.
For humanists, critique of religion and cultivation of humanism go hand in hand. Religion is humanism’s opposite and other. Christianity, in particular, is heavily criticized. But it’s because it’s seen as irrational – humanism has its own forms of wonder and celebration. Humanists are also observed holding lengthy ethical discussions; they meet to hold ‘ethical juries’ about how to really, objectively, help others, in different situations. Importantly, the fact that they are deliberating rationally is just as significant as any conclusions that are drawn – it means a ‘happy virtue’ and the ‘only authentic option’.
Relevance to RE
The research is very relevant to any teaching about non-religious worldviews. Teachers can read it to develop subject knowledge, and build the findings into presentations about Humanism they make to students. Some of these findings set up good class or small group discussions, or extended writing topis. How important or wise is it always to think for yourself? How justified is it to say that religion (especially Christianity) is irrational? Or that being happy is a sign of living well?
Generalisability and potential limitations
The informal nature of the research makes it hard to judge whether it represents UK humanists in general, but it is well-backed by wider literature and has an authentic feel. Comments are welcomed!
Find out more
The original article is Matthew Engelke, “Good without God” Happiness and pleasure among the humanists, Hau: Journal of Ethnographic Theory (2015) 5 (3): 69–91. It can be accessed freely from DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.14318/hau5.3.005
How has the internet impacted on the relationship between Sikhs and the Guru Granth Sahib, and on Sikhism in general?
Research Summary: How has the internet impacted on the relationship between Sikhs and the Guru Granth Sahib, and on Sikhism in general?
The main article reported here focuses on the emergence of online versions of the Guru Granth Sahib, their impact on the transmission of Sikhism, and on religious authority. It looks at the consequences of the emergence of online translations and issues faced in engaging with the ‘digital Guru’. The second article, more briefly covered, presents some more, general, related findings from the same research project as the first.
Researchers
Jasjit Singh
Research Institution
University of Leeds
What is this about?
How has the digital environment impacted on the relationship between Sikhs and the Guru Granth Sahib? How has the evolution of the online environment changed the ways in which the Guru Granth Sahib is presented; and how have technological changes affected the ways in which Sikhs engage with and relate to the Guru Granth Sahib? Also, in general, how has the internet affected the practice of Sikhism?
What was done?
The research was carried out though an online survey (645 respondents), interviews, focus groups and participant observation. As a whole, the study was of religious transmission among 18-30-year-old Sikhs in Britain.
Main findings and outputs
For over 20 years, the digital environment has impacted on the ways in which British Sikhs engage with their religious tradition.
It enables them to engage with the Guru Granth Sahib but in a very specific way. English translations mean more of them can read the text but the pros and cons of translation are little-discussed.
Traditional authorities (preachers, gurdwara officials) can be bypassed – but inner, deeper meanings, that depend on sound and poetry, can be lost in translation. Strictly, the Guru Granth Sahib cannot be translated. Accurate, nuanced translations are needed, as far as possible, but many British Sikhs not taught Punjabi as children learn it as adults, in order to understand their tradition.
More general findings: the internet enables Sikhs to know different views on Sikhism than those held by their families, though this can be confusing. It brings more Sikhs into a personal relationship with the Guru Granth Sahib, because a hukamnama (‘order’) can be received from the Guru Granth Sahib whenever wished, without needing to visit a gurdwara. Finding out about sangat (congregation) events is easier, as is finding and purchasing religious resources or looking into the legal position on e.g. turban wearing, or mobilising on social or religious issues.
Relevance to RE
There are several messages for teachers to bear in mind from this research:
The importance of language within religious traditions, and how it is used, e.g. poetically rather than literally – and the need to devise ways for pupils to grasp this.
The need to listen to and not just read texts.
Issues of translation, and how teachers should try not to simply impose meanings from English / Christianity on to non-Christian worldviews (e.g. God, heaven, hell, angels are reported as sometimes imposed on to the Sikh tradition).
The need to include the effect of the internet on religion & worldviews in the curriculum.
Generalisability and potential limitations
According to the author, the study, or specifically the survey part, did not seek to represent young British Sikhs as a whole but gather the views of a number of individuals to highlight possible trends.
Find out more
The original articles reported (main one first) are: Jasjit Singh (2018): Lost in translation? The emergence of the digital Guru Granth Sahib, Sikh Formations, DOI: 10.1080/17448727.2018.1485355
Jasjit Singh (2014) Sikh-ing online: the role of the Internet in the religious lives of young British Sikhs, Contemporary South Asia, 22:1, 82-97, DOI: 10.1080/09584935.2013.870974
How eco-friendly is Buddhism, really?
Research Summary: How eco-friendly is Buddhism, really?
Different Buddhist texts and beliefs offer different kinds of attitudes to nature. Sometimes Buddhism appears to view all living beings as equal, whilst at other times it seems to place human beings at the centre of its universe and to give particular significance to them. The difference appears in the philosophy and norms of Buddhism, and this researcher wanted to investigate how it is worked out in daily life. Therefore he carried out a study of a Vietnamese Buddhist monastery in the USA, observing its daily life closely for about sixty days in total. He found that whilst in theory the monastery is eco-centric, in practice, there are aspects of its life in which humans are valued more than other life-forms, in which its motivations for environmental lifestyles are to benefit humans and in which it limits non-violence in order to favour humans. The research offers interesting material for RE teachers to consider when presenting Buddhism; and interesting questions about religion and the environment for pupils to discuss and analyse.
Researcher
Daniel Capper
Research Institution
University of Southern Mississippi
What is this about?
This is about problems faced by Buddhists when they try to put very pure spiritual ideals into practice. You could say that it is about the relationship between spiritual ideals and life in the material world, more generally.
The background is the Buddhist teaching of the interdependence of all life, especially as represented in the ecological Buddhism of the Vietnamese teacher Thıch Nhat Hanh (“every Buddhist practitioner should be a protector of the environment”).
According to this teaching, everything in the universe is interconnected, humans are equal partners in a larger system and no distinction should be made between inanimate and animate beings.
The Buddhists in this monastery see natural beings as enlightened and as spiritual teachers to people. Consumption is kept to a minimum, the diet is vegan and strenuous efforts are made to avoid harming life-forms.
However, compromises are sometimes made. The researcher finds that inevitably, human interests surface and that when pushed, the sangha (community) members have to recognise this. (More detail is given below, in Main findings and outputs.)
What was done?
The researcher observed the life of a Vietnamese Buddhist monastery in the USA for about sixty days in total, participating in many of its activities, also carrying out formal interviews with ten monks.
Main findings and outputs
Different Buddhist beliefs offer different attitudes to nature. In Thailand, trees have been symbolically ordained as monks; but still, it is taught that for purposes of attaining enlightenment, a human rebirth is the most favourable of all.
The sangha members studied are strongly committed to the Buddhist teaching of the interdependence of all life. Their form of Buddhism has itself been influenced by the ‘Western’ conservation and ecology movement.
According to Thıch Nhat Hanh’s teaching, everything in the universe is interconnected, humans are equal partners in a larger system and no distinction should be made between inanimate and animate beings.
The Buddhists in this monastery see natural beings as enlightened spiritual teachers. Spiritual practice such as walking meditation involves a deep appreciation of the natural enivironment. Consumption of natural resources such as water is kept to a minimum, the diet is vegan and strenuous efforts are made to avoid harming even animals that might normally be regarded as pests.
However, compromises are sometimes made. Two stray dogs who were interfering with the contemplative atmosphere of the monastery were eventually removed (the researcher was asked to do this). Pesticides are used against red fire ants whose bites are very painful and can be fatal. Thus, the monastery puts human comfort and safety higher than the intrinsic value of the ants. Generally the researcher wonders how pure the Buddhists’ ideals can be, in that their ecological lifestyle sometimes seems motivated by their own spiritual wishes.
Relevance to RE
The material could be of great use to RE teachers when planning curriculum and in pedagogy – the issues raised invite critical pupil engagement.
At one level, the problems met by the Buddhists in practising their beliefs can be used as evidence of the challanges faced by people in sustaining an ideals-based religious lifestyle. When pupils learn about the problems it will deepen their understanding of the beliefs.
At a more critical level the problems can be offered to pupils to analyse, once they have heard and spent some time discussing the ‘story’. (They could first look up the monastery online at http://magnoliagrovemonastery.org/ ) This level of work may suit older or more able secondary pupils. If you believe that all of life is equal and interconnected, can the use of pesticides be justified? If you believe that all of life is equal and interconnected.
Generalisability and potential limitations
This research identifies some mixed messages in Buddhism in general, then investigates how – or whether – the issues are resolved in a single monastery. Rather than high generalisability, it offers a very interesting illustrative example.
Find out more
Learning Love from a Tiger: Approaches to Nature in an American Buddhist Monastery, Journal of Contemporary Religion, 30:1, 55-71 (published online 23 December 2014) dx.doi.org/10.1080/13537903.2015.986976
Research Summary: Do Jain teachings solve the ecological crisis?
From proclaiming the equality of all life forms to the stringent emphasis placed upon nonviolent behavior (ahimsa), and once more to the pronounced intention for limiting one’s possessions (aparigraha), Jainism has often been pointed to for its admirably eco-friendly example. The Jain-inspired Anuvrat Movement, founded in 1949 by Acharya Sri Tulsi, is relevant today. Anuvrat’s final vow (vow eleven) calls for practitioners to “refrain from such acts as are likely to cause pollution and harm the environment,” and to avoid the “cutting down of trees” and the “wasting of water”. When it comes to the modern eco-conscious imperative to “live simply so that others may simply live”, this research argues, there is indeed much that Anuvrat has to offer.
Researcher
Michael Reading
Research Institution
Mt. St. Mary’s University, Los Angeles
What is this about?
Jainism.
The Anuvrat Movement.
Eco-conscious living.
Ecology.
Ecological vow-taking.
What was done?
This is a critical, scholarly study of Jainism, the Anuvrat Movement and their relevance to contemporary ecological problems.
Main findings and outputs
Jain beliefs and practices, e.g. ahimsa (non-violence to all beings) are highly relevant to ecological problems.
A further ideal, aparigraha, refers both to the physical limiting of one’s possessions, as well as one’s achieving a general state of spiritual detachment, also a highly eco-friendly stance.
The Anuvrat Movement, launched in 1949 by Acharya Sri Tulsi, revolved around what he perceived to be a moral deterioration within Indian society. To remedy the situation he encouraged all people to take a set of vows (not only Jains but also Hindus, Muslims, Christians and Sikhs have participated).
The vows are based on traditional Jain and Yoga vows, and also include one (the eleventh) of particular ecological relevance: I will do my best to refrain from such acts as are likely to cause pollution and harm the environment. I will not cut down trees. I will not waste water.
There are others of relevance, e.g. the seventh enjoins limiting one’s acquisitions – and 42% of greenhouse gas emissions is caused by consumer goods production.
Relevance to RE
This research has clear relevance to RE. Teachers can use it to develop their knowledge of Jainism. It also has clear applications to ethics courses and units of study. As reported, Tulsi placed emphasis on individual conduct. His teachings can frame questions such as: to what extent are we responsible? How important or difficult are lifestyle changes? How effective can vows be, and to whom or what might a non-religious person vow? Teachers are encouraged to read the whole article, which also contains interesting points not summarised above, concerning psychology, addiction and self-examination.
Generalisability and potential limitations
Rather than generalisable, the research is a scholarly account of one influential religious tradition and its possible contemporary relevance. People will have different views about Jainism and ecology, pointing out, for instance, that it originated as a soteriological not ecological movement, but the author explicitly recognises this.
Find out more
The original article is Michael Reading, The Anuvrat Movement: A Case Study of Jain-inspired Ethical and Eco-conscious Living, Religions 2019: 10 (11), 636
Elaine Arundell: Developing spiritual wellbeing through song in RE
Teacher Case Study: Elaine Arundell
Developing spiritual wellbeing through song in RE
Inspiration
Having served as a primary teacher and RE coordinator for over 16 years and an AST in RE for a number of these, I have always championed the use of creativity in RE, for example through song. Ironically, I am not what would be considered ‘musical’ as I have never sung in a choir nor play an instrument; however, this has not been a barrier for me in developing pupils’ RE because I have found that primary children are able to bring their own experience of song into RE lessons. One of the reasons for my interest in this area is that I have witnessed how it has helped to create a ‘buzz’ in lessons, even for pupils who are generally disengaged; I also saw how it can encourage collaboration and build self-esteem and a sense of community. Therefore, for the last 20 years, I have used song as a tool in the primary classroom and supported others in doing so in my role as diocesan adviser over the last six years. Some of the creations over the years were published in an article I wrote for RE Today (Arundell, 2021).
Context
It was through my experience as adviser that I heard from a multitude of leaders about the negative effects of technology and covid on the wellbeing of our pupils during lockdown. As I work with faith schools, a number of leaders reported to me that one of the sore bruises of social distancing was the inability to gather as a community to worship or sing and this also impacted negatively on pupils’ sense of wellbeing and relationships. Aware of the myriad benefits of music on the both the individual and community and having embarked on an MA in RE, heavily supported by Culham St Gabriel’s Trust, I wanted to explore the use of song in RE in order to offer some way forward . Although there was a plethora of literature on spirituality and music, there was little in regards to song, particularly in RE, so I intended to fill this gap and investigate whether song in RE and worship was just a ‘fun’ activity or if it could have a meaningful impact on the spiritual development and wellbeing of pupils in key stage 2, and if so, how.
Spiritual development and song
For the purposes of this research, song in RE and worship referred to any type of religious song that was used within the RE lesson or outside of it including hymn practice, assemblies, prayer or liturgy while the use of song encompassed three ‘aspects’: composition, knowledge & understanding and prayer, worship & reflection. Having been inspired by Hay & Nye (2006), de Souza & Halafoff (2018) as well as Aristotle’s notion of eudaimonia and flourishing (Kraut, 2022; Honderich, 2005), spiritual development was therefore a combination of their definitions and, for this investigation, had five ‘characteristics’ which all pertained to connectivity and relationships, namely with: The Transcendent, Self, Others, Cosmos and Social Action, and which also related to Ofsted’s own definition (Ofsted, 1994; 2004; 2019). My intention was to discover which of the aspects could be used effectively and if song in RE might have an effect on each of the characteristics.
Song in RE – A case study
One of the greatest challenges of this research was that it was conducted in a primary school with which I was not familiar around Christmas and New Year 2020-2021. This meant that covid and other illnesses were still rife, staff turnover and absences were high and pressures on various members of the community were great. Gaining consent from parents and finding willing professionals with the time and energy to support with the project was, therefore, not straight-forward initially and I needed to be creative with proceeding with the project so as to ensure that wellbeing was at the very heart of it. Another deanery school was then invited to take part and all key stage 2 classes from both schools were involved. As a result, both qualitative and quantitative data were used for this case-study research, with surveys being completed by 180 pupils and 9 teachers. Interviews were conducted with small groups of diverse pupils (45 pupils in total) and one-to-one interviews with 9 teachers, with a wide range of experience and level of responsibility, took place.
While the two schools were similar in their context as they were both Catholic schools in the same deanery with creativity in RE on their action plan, there were significant differences in approaches. School A had used songs in the past for worship and reflection as well as for listening and understanding during RE lessons and hymn practice; however, they had not composed songs in RE prior to this project and so I led staff training using some of the examples and tips given in the RE Today article (Arundell, 2021). The headteacher of this School A then tasked all key stage two classes with composing their own song to share at their Christmas concert having had three months to work on these. School B, on the other hand, were also confident in using songs for worship and reflection as well as listening and understanding. However, they were not unfamiliar with the concept of composing songs in RE, although this was mainly led by the school’s music coordinator with class teachers free to also use song within the RE classroom should they wish.
Findings
Due to the diversity in approach and experience as well as the wide spectrum of participants, the data was quite rich and robust and, although it was varied, the majority of participants agreed on several points, the main one of which was unanimous that song in RE created a sense of happiness and calm within the classroom. As a result of listening to, singing or composing religious songs, pupils reported that they were less likely to feel angry or anxious and reported that this can have a positive impact on their actions such as making friends again or looking after the environment by picking up litter. All teachers reported that using songs in RE increased their memory and the vast majority of pupils responded that choosing songs in RE and worship made them more engaged. One of the most surprising findings was that over half of the 180 pupils surveyed said that they would prefer to sing their song silently as opposed to almost a fifth who would rather read it aloud and almost a third who would enjoy singing it aloud. Overall, the key findings were that using song in RE and worship can have an impact on all five of the characteristics of spiritual development and that all three aspects of song can be effective in developing the spiritual wellbeing of pupils in KS2. Perhaps the finding of greatest significance, however, was that the use of song in RE naturally encouraged the practice of all Gospel values (Richter, 2000) and virtues (CDCEF & CBCEW, 2020) and participants spoke indirectly about these, although they were not asked specifically about them. For example, pupils described the love, peace or courage they felt as a result of singing, listening to or composing religious song and how the mood created through the song influenced their actions in a positive way. Through close analysis of the data, it was possible to match all of the Gospel values and virtues, as well as all of the Holy Spirit’s gifts (New International Version [NIV] 2011, Is 11:2-3) and fruits of the Holy Spirit, (NIV, Gal 5:22-23) to responses of either pupils or staff. This may be significant because the values and virtues are not limited to any faith or worldview but cross many boundaries which music and song also can.
What next?
To support schools with the process of using song, particularly with composition of song in RE which is the aspect with which schools are less familiar, several models have been created and some of these are included below. These models have been shared at RE Coordinator conferences in both Southwark and Westminster dioceses as well as in various schools in which I am the adviser along with several examples of songs created by pupils, either as a whole class, small group or individually. Some of these songs have a known melody of a religious or popular song while others had both the melody and lyrics written by the pupils. All findings from this research have been shared in detail with schools A and B along with various other models and resources so that they can move this forward in their own contexts; the use of song in RE has also been mapped to the expectations for the new national inspection for Catholic schools so that it further reassures colleagues of the myriad benefits of using song in RE.
Over the past year, I have also been able to link this project to my diocesan work on Racial Justice, Equality and Diversity as pupils have had the opportunity to create songs based on this important theme; these have been shared on the diocesan website with several pupils having had the opportunity to share theirs publicly in front of an audience of 1000 people in Westminster Cathedral. Going forward, I hope to research this area in greater detail through more academic study, perhaps by exploring song in RE and worship in non-Catholic schools, by looking specifically at only song in RE lessons, or by doing a longitudinal study. I also aim to share and collate guidance and examples of good practice on song in RE and worship through my courses and resources and I am open to opportunities in which to share and develop this learning more widely.
References
Arundell, E. (2021b). ‘Song-writing in RE: a top ten of ideas’, RE Today, May 2021 pp. 22–23.
de Souza, M. & A. Halafoff. (eds.). (2018). Re-Enchanting Education and Spiritual Wellbeing: Fostering Belonging and Meaning-Making for Global Citizens. London and New York: Routledge pp. 1–22.
Model A: Journey from experience to growth and transformation using song (inspired by Mills: 1997, 2019)
Model B: The process of song composition for the use of song in REW for SDW
Model C: CALM Model to summarise findings
Model D: Song-writing tips
From Sunday Stalwarts to Solidly Secular
Research Summary: From Sunday Stalwarts to Solidly Secular
“Most U.S. adults identify with a particular religious denomination or group. They describe themselves as Catholic, Baptist, Methodist, Jewish, Mormon or Muslim– to name just a few of the hundreds of identities or affiliations that people give in surveys. Others describe themselves as atheist, agnostic or say they have no particular religious affiliation. These are the conventional categories into which Americans sort themselves. But a new Pew Research Center analysis looks at beliefs and behaviors that cut across many denominations – important traits that unite people of different faiths, or that divide people who have the same religious affiliation – producing a new and revealing classification, or typology, of religion in America.” (Summary taken from original press release at http://www.pewforum.org/2018/08/29/the-religious-typology/ downloaded on September 12 2018.)
Researcher
Pew Research Center, Washington DC
Research Institution
Pew Research Center, Washington DC
What is this about?
This is about the different religious groups in the US, and how they vary internally, in terms of religious commitment, behaviour or attitudes to religion. Survey data were used to generate seven categories of religiosity that cut across religious boundaries. E.g. ‘Sunday Stalwarts’ are the traditionalist, highly engaged members, ‘Diversely Devout’ are those who whilst traditionalist are also open to ‘New Age’ beliefs such as reincarnation or psychic power and ‘Religion Resisters’ are those who think that institutional religion does more harm than good. The other categories are ‘God-and-Country Believers’, ‘Relaxed Religious’, ‘Spiritually Awake’ and ‘Solidly Secular’.
What was done?
A survey of 4729 respondents was done. It included 16 questions about their religious and spiritual beliefs and practices, the value they place on their religion, and the other sources of meaning and fulfillment in their lives. The typology groups were then created using cluster analysis, a statistical technique that identified homogeneous groups of respondents based on their answers.
Main findings and outputs
The findings are quite extensive and readers are directed to the main report (link below), but some examples can be given so as to provide a flavour. What is interesting is how the categories cut across traditional religious and non-religious lines:
Some data may be unsurprising (76% of the ‘Solidly Secular’ have no religious affiliation).
However, it raises questions that 17% of the ‘Solidly Secular’ category identify as Christian.
Within Religion Resisters, non-Christian religious faiths contribute their highest overall percentage (11%).
They only make up 6% of the ‘Sunday Stalwart’ category, which could be down to population or survey factors; the word ‘Sunday’ is used because 90% of the group belong to Christian churches and it did not figure in survey questions.
There are interesting sub-findings, e.g. 19% of ‘Sunday Stalwarts’ and 12% of ‘Solidly Secular’ believe in reincarnation; 98% of ‘Religion Resisters’ believe there is spiritual energy located in physical things such as mountains, trees or crystals.
Relevance to RE
The final Commission on RE report speaks of the need for a deeper understanding of the complex, diverse and plural nature of worldviews at both institutional and personal levels, and to ensure that pupils understand that there are different ways of adhering to a worldview. This Pew Center research gives an original, imaginative illustration of these factors. RE curriculum developers and teachers could use it to consider how to represent diversity within religions; teacher trainers could use it to illustrate the need for this to trainees.
Generalisability and potential limitations
The survey was large-scale (4729 respondents) and care was taken to achieve a representative sample. One limitation is that the US rather than the UK is represented. The researchers also acknowledge that identifying cluster groups is as much art as science. However, UK teachers and researchers could take note of the problematising of religious categories and perhaps find ways to explore similar issues in our own contexts.
How are young British Sikhs being brought up as Sikhs?
Research Summary: How are young British Sikhs being brought up as Sikhs?
Young British Sikhs are regularly accused of not attending gurdwara and not being interested in Sikhism. However, many young Sikhs are now learning about Sikhism outside traditional religious institutions. Using data gathered as part of a project studying the religious upbringing of 18- to 30-year-old British Sikhs, the research explores how young Sikhs are learning about Sikhism in their pre-adult life stage. It examines the influences of the family and the school environment and the various methods used in gurdwaras. It provides an understanding from the perspective of young Sikhs themselves about what it can mean to be a young British Sikh. There are important messages for RE teachers. British Sikh family life can vary according to different factors such as country from which migration into Britain took place. Particular individual, social or cultural experiences can deepen young Sikhs’ sense of commitment. So far RE in school appears to make very little contribution to young Sikhs’ development of religious identity.
Researcher
Jasjit Singh
Research Institution
University of Leeds
What is this about?
Young British Sikhs are regularly accused of not attending gurdwara and not being interested in Sikhism, but is this true?
How do young British Sikhs learn about Sikhism outside traditional religious institutions, and in what ways do they do so?
What influence do family life, school education and gurdwaras have on young British Sikhs’ religious development?
What was done?
A qualitative methodological approach was taken, using a variety of sources as part of the investigation. The main methods included: semi-structured interviews with 30 18- to 30-year-old British Sikhs who had attended and participated in events organised for young Sikhs; a self-selecting online survey of young British Sikhs; focus groups with Sikh students; and participant observation at events organised for young Sikhs, including Sikh camps and university Sikh society events.
Main findings and outputs
Young British Sikhs are socialised into Sikhism in different ways – what is true of some may not be true of others.
It is important not to assume that there are discrete British and Asian cultures which necessarily clash. Although Sikh families may share some elements, many have their own way of practising Sikhism influenced by their migration experiences, caste, political affiliation, level of religious commitment, etc.
In general, the majority of East African Sikh migrants to Britain are more religiously inclined than those coming directly from India.
Sikhs not maintaining visible signs of commitment (e.g. uncut hair or the turban) may be very committed to prayer, storytelling to their children and other Sikh activities. In many families, emphases such as prayer, vegetarianism or display of images of gurus are passed down from parents or grandparents to children.
At school, experiences of not belonging to e.g. Islam or Catholicism – where these other traditions are prominent – sometimes provokes an emotional moment of identification with Sikhism, prompting more engagement with the faith.
Gurdwaras use different ways of engaging with young people, including Punjabi classes, music tuition, adapted services, youth camps or providing library facilities; but many young Sikhs themselves have started to organise events outside gurdwaras, which they are free to shape as they wish.
Many respondents reported that they had not learned about Sikhism in school.
Relevance to RE
At national levels of policy and curriculum, the absence of significant attention to teaching about Sikhism in school should be addressed.
When planning lessons about or teaching about Sikhism, teachers should bear in mind the diversity of British Sikhism and that Sikh pupils present may offer different explanations or relate differently to lesson content. Such pupils should be listened to with sensitivity.
The British context for Sikhism has evidently been rich and varied, and – again, with the sensitivity needed to avoid intrusion on privacy – teachers might usefully collect some of its stories as resources:
E.g. Sikh family experiences of coming to Britain from India or East Africa and how gurdwaras and other religious resources were developed. Contacts in local Sikh communities could be developed for this purpose.
‘Emotional moments of identification’ could offer vivid teaching stories. The following example is from p.376 of the article:
I was in the choir .. .and I thought to myself, ‘today I’ll get the Holy Communion’ … so I had my hands in the right place … and I knew from his eyes that the priest wasn’t going to give it to me … and he just said, ‘Bless you my child’. I was so angry – I thought, ‘I’ve done your kirtan [singing of religious compositions] for so many years and you don’t give me parshad [blessed food]? ’Then I thought, ‘if these gore [white people] go to a gurdwara , they’ll get parshad no matter what.’ So from then on, every time we used to say, ‘In the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Spirit’, I used to mattha tek [bow to the Guru] … it was an internal rebellion – and I was like ‘I’m going to gurdwara, I’m going to show my friends, I ’m going to talk about Sikhism – I’m going to tell them why I don’t cut my hair.’
Generalisability and potential limitations
This research is based on contact with as wide a representation of young British Sikhs as possible. The researcher identifies an interesting possible limitation, in that those studied did not grow up with the internet in the same way as the current generation of British Sikh children, meaning that the role of the internet in Sikh identity formation is not covered.
Find out more
Keeping the faith: reflections on religious nurture among young British Sikhs, Journal of Beliefs & Values, 33:3, pages 369-383 (published online 13 December 2012)
